A Short History of Saracens:Chapter XIV

RETROSPECT (Ummayads)

The Government — Revenues — Administration — Military Service —Currency Reform of Abdul Malik — Damascus — Court life — Society — The position of women — Introduction of the system of seclusion — Dress — Literature — Religious and philosophical sects

Under Abu Bakr, Omar, and Ali, the Public Treasury was in reality the property of the people, and every member of the Islamic Commonwealth was entitled to an allowance out of the income of the state. With the estabhshment of an autocracy under Ummayads, the revenues of the empire became the private property of the sovereign, and subject to his absolute control. He was thus able to bestow the entire income derived from Egypt upon Amr, the son of Aas, in return for his help against the Caliph Ali ; Amr had in fact declined to take anything less, and refused in forcible terms "to hold the horns whilst somebody else milched the cow." 

The The revenues were derived from the same sources as (i) the land-tax, (2) the test-tax on non-Moslem subjects, (3) the poor-rates, (4) customs and excise duties, (5) tributes paid under treaties, and (6) the fifth of the spoils of war. The taxes collected in each province were paid into the respective Provincial Treasuries. Decentralisation was the rule; all expenses connected with provincial administration were defrayed from the Provincial Treasury; the soldiers, the stipendiaries and public functionaries, stationed within or attached to any province, were paid out of its revenues. All works of utility, such as roads and canals, and public buildings, as mosques and schools, were likewise constructed at the cost of the particular province where they were required. Any balance that remained was remitted to the Imperial Treasury at Damascus. The collection of the revenue was entrusted to Admis, who appear to have also exercised executive functions and occupied a position. Sometimes the governors, when they happened to combine the office of Sah'dil-Kharaj with their own proper functions, as was often the case after Omar II., broke the rule and gave the charge of collection to their secretaries or Katibs. This led to peculation, which was visited with severe punishment often accompanied by confiscation of the culprit's property. 

Large domains were held by the sovereigns in their private right, and by the princes of the royal blood. Until the second Walid's accession, special care was devoted to their cultivation. During the civil wars that had preceded the rise of Abdul Malik to power, the great irrigation works of Omar in Chaldaea had been neglected and allowed to fall into ruin ; vast tracts had thus turned into marshes. Maslamah, the brother of Hisham, who held in fief the greater part of the Sawad (the Lower Euphrates Valley), drained the country and reclaimed the lands. 

Taxes were not levied according to one standard, but varied in every province according to the conditions imposed, or privileges granted from time to time, by the early Caliphs. Attempts were sometimes made to go behind them, which gave rise to insurrections. 

The empire was divided into five viceroyalties. Hijaz, The Yemen, and Central Arabia were under one viceroy; Lower and Upper Egypt under another. The two Iraks, viz. Irak-Arab (ancient Babylonia and Chaldaea) and Irak Ajam (Persia proper), together with Oman, al-Bahrain, Kerman, Sistan, Cabul, Khorasan, the whole of Transoxiana, Sind, and portions of the Punjab, formed one vast province under the viceroy of Irak, whose seat of government was at Kufa. Khorasan and Transoxiana were ruled by a deputy-governor, who generally resided at Merv ; al-Bahrain and Oman were under the deputy- governor of Bussorah; and Sind and the Punjab were governed by a separate officer. Mesopotamia (the Jazira of the Arabs), with Armenia, and Azarbijan and parts of Asia Minor, formed another province. But the most important of all the viceroyalties was that of Ifrikia, which included the whole of Northern Africa to the west of Egypt, Spain, and the south of France, together with Sicily, Sardinia, and the Balearic Isles. The seat of government was at Kairowan, and there were deputy-governors at Tangiers and the islands of the Mediterranean. Spain was ruled by a governor whose capital was Cordova. 

The political and military administration of each province was in the hands of the viceroy, but the revenues were in the charge of another official, the Sahib uI-Khany, wholly independent of the governor, who was appointed directly by the sovereign. The judges of the principal cities were vested with the power of appointing their own deputies. The administration of justice among the non-Moslem communities was wisely confided to their communal magistrates or priests. The presidency at the public prayers, a most important function, was entrusted either to the governor or to the chief Kazi. 

The head of the police {Sahib ush-Shurta ) was under the command of the governor. About the beginning of Hisham's reign a new force was formed,which, under the Ahdds, performed militia duties and stood half-way between the police and the regular soldiery. In order to facilitate correspondence between the sovereign and the provincial governors through the wide extent of the empire, and also to create a safeguard against the circulation of fraudulent edicts, Muawiyah created a Chancery Department which bore the name of the Board of the Signet {Diwan ul-Khativi). Every ordinance issued by the Caliph was copied in a Register, the original was then sealed and despatched to its destination. He also established a postal system, which afterwards was carried to such perfection by the Abbassides. It was not, however, from Muawiyah that the policy of the Ommeyades, certainly in the Eastern provinces, derived its character, for Abdul Malik was its real founder. With the object of excluding foreign influences from the affairs of state, he ordered that public offices should be held only by Arabs. This exclusive policy was carried to its furthest limit by his lieutenant in Irak, the notorious Hajjaj, who endeavoured to exclude from the service of the state not only non-Moslems, but also Moslems who were not Arabs, and even re-imposed on the latter the test-tax paid by the zimniis. As a matter of fact, this exclusive policy did not succeed, for before long the Persians and Christians again held in large numbers the subordinate civil and fiscal employments. But it left a widespread feeling of discontent, which bore such bitter fruit in the time of Merwan II. 

Two other measures introduced by Abdul Malik were unquestionably beneficent in their tendency, and dictated by a wise and statesmanlike policy. Hitherto The there was no regular and recognised currency in the Saracenic empire. The provincial governors had their own independent mints, which issued coin for local demands. The stamping and actual value were quite inexact, and counterfeiting was common. For ordinary purposes the Byzantine and the old Persian coinage were in general use. The extension of the empire and the development of commerce rendered it necessary to have a stable and uniform standard of currency. Abdul Malik established an imperial mint, withdrew all the variable coins in use in the country, and issued in lieu thereof his own coinage, both gold and silver. His currency reform was based upon a mixture of Roman and Sassanide nominals. The Roman solidi formed the base of the gold coin, and the legal dirhems introduced by Omar the Great, of the silver. Counterfeiting was visited with severe punishment. The second reform introduced by Abdul Malik was equally remarkable and enduring. Before his time the state accounts were kept either in Persian, Greek, or Syriac, which encouraged malversation. Abdul Malik directed that henceforth the public registers should be kept in the Arabian language and character. 

Before the accession of Yezid II., provincial appointments were made chiefly for political or administrative reasons, and viceroys and prefects were nominated either because they were fitted for their posts or had distinguished themselves by their services or devotion to the sovereigns or the dynasty. Under Yezid II. the influence of the favourites became the guiding principle for public posts. The highest posts were conferred through their exertions, in utter disregard of the fitness of the nominees. Even Hisham was not free from these outside influences. Another evil which at this time crept into the administration led to serious mischief later on. Hitherto the governors of distant provinces were required to reside within their governments. It became frequent now for members of the reigning family and even men of note at court who obtained these appointments to reside at the capital, leaving the administration to a deputy or proxy, whose sole object was to enrich his principal and himself with the income of the provinces. 

On the whole the administrative machinery under the Ommeyades was of a primitive character. There was no such elaboration as under the Abbassides, nor was there such a separation of duties as could promote efficiency. The practical work of administration was conducted by four principal departments — (1) the Diwdti ul-Kharaj (the Board of Land-tax), which was in the nature of a Department of Finance; (2) the Diwdn ui-Khatim, the Board of the Signet, where the ordinances of government were drawn up, confirmed and sealed;(3) the Diwdn ur-Rasdil, the Board of Correspondence, which was vested with the control of provincial affairs and all communications from the governors;(4) the Diwdn ul- Mustaghillat or Board of Miscellaneous Revenue. Besides these there appear to have been two offices apparently subordinate to the Department of Finance which had charge of the pay of the police and the soldiers. 

Military service was, in a manner, compulsory on all Military Arab-born subjects of the empire, who were bound at Service, stated periods to attend the colours of their respective funds, or legions, for the necessary training. On active duty the soldiers received a higher pay than when merely in the reserve; but every person liable to be called upon for service was entitled to a stipend from the state. It will be pertinent too to deal with the military organisation of the Saracens as a whole when I come to the Abbasside epoch, when the machinery of the state, both in war and peace, had attained such a high pitch of excellence. The fleet was under the command of an officer who was called the Ameeriil-Bahr "Commander of the Sea." 

The towns were all walled for defensive purposes. The various trades and guilds occupied separate quarters or streets, which were named after them. But this division of the town into blocks was not confined to crafts. The Arabs were always noted for their antipathy to centralisation. Hence, wherever they settled, they grouped themselves into separate clans. Each tribe had its particular quarter, its houses, its mosque, bazaar and burial-ground. This clannish tendency favoured riotes and risings against authority. In order to prevent combinations, each block or quarter, which formed a town in itself, was separated from the rest by strong gates guarded by a warder or watchman, whose duty was to give egress and ingress,especially to belated wayfarers at night. But in times of trouble, all communication could be cut off between the different sections of the town by simply shutting the gates. 

At the period of the Moslem conquest, Damascus was a flourishing town and the seat of a Roman governor. Under the Ommeyades it became one of the most beautiful cities of the world, and the metropolis of the Islamic empire. They adorned it with magnificent buildings, fountains, kiosks, and pleasure-houses. The embellishment began with the Green Palace {Kasr ul- Khazra) built by Muawiyah, which received its name from its green colouring and ornamentation. Under his successors the city shone with the white domes and towers of innumerable palaces and mosques. Walid I. in particular beautified Damascus and its environs with public structures, and erected for himself a lasting monument in the great mosque. 

But the love of building was not confined to the rulers; the members of the reigning house and the grandees of the empire vied with each other in adorning Damascus and other large cities. Hurr who held for eleven years the governorship of Mosul under Hisham, built a college, a caravanserai, and for his own residence a palace of exquisite beauty. The mansion was constructed of pure white alabaster; its walls were ornamented with inlaid stones of variegated colours; the ceilings rested on beams of highly-carved Indian wood (teak), and were beautifully painted and gilt. It was hence called the Mankusha, or Painted Palace. Finding that the citizens of Mosul had great difficulty in obtaining good drinking-water, he constructed a canal, which in spite of the lapse of centuries still exists. The famous road by its side was planted with trees, and became the resort of the citizens and their families for evening recreation. 

The water supply of Damascus, still unsurpassed is an imperishable memorial of the Ommeyade rulers. The Barada, the Chrysorrhoas of the Greeks, certainly conducted a plentiful supply of drinking-water into the ancient town, but the merit of developing the system of water-courses to such an extent that up to this day even the poorest house has its particular fountain, is unquestionably due to the sovereigns of the house of Ommeya. There were seven principal canals running through the city besides innumerable aqueducts which connected each house with the main water-supply. The rulers of Damascus had certainly created for themselves a domicile of surpassing beauty in the town and its charming environs. The Caliph's palace was resplendent with gold and marble; costly mosaics ornamented the floors and walls; and running fountains and cascades diffused an agreeable coolness around the courts. The gardens were filled with rare and shady trees, and enlivened by innumerable singing birds. The ceilings of the apartments were painted in gold and white, or inlaid with jewels. Richly-attired slaves, in bright-coloured silk garments of the striped patterns still in vogue in Damascus, filled the rooms. Hisham gave private audience " in a large hall paved with marble, each flag of which was separated from the other by a band of gold; seated on a red carpet woven with gold, dressed in red silk and perfumed with musk and amber." Six imposing gates gave access to the city, and their high towers were visible from a distance to the approaching traveller. 

When the Arabs conquered Syria, they had not yet had time to form an architectural style of their own, but they soon developed one which, in beauty of design and completeness of method, surpassed both the Persian and Byzantine. The architectural style of a nation derives its character from the original habitat of the people and their primitive conditions of life. In the graceful tracery of arches and pillars, minarets and domes of the Saracenic architecture, the strong resemblance to the arching and doming of the palm-groves, so dear to the Arab, forces itself upon our notice. 

In the beginning, the Syrian houses were modelled after the neo-Roman style; and in the towns of Irak they distinctly bore the stamp of Persian design and taste. The lapse of time has made no change in the fashion of the buildings nor, generally, in the domestic arrangements, in the residences of the rich, then as now, a door-porter whose usual seat was an estrade of stone, or a wooden bench in the doorway, gave admission to visitors. In the houses of the poor a big ring of iron or metal, fixed on the door, was used as a knocker. The doorway led into an oblong courtyard, which was often surrounded by pillared galleries. 

The variegated pavement of stone, marble, or pebbles taste fully designed ran round the courtyard, and a fountain, surrounded by a little garden filled with fragrant flowering shrubs, and shaded by orange, lemon, and citron trees, occupied the centre. On one side of the court was the raised hall, paved, like the courtyard, with marble or coloured stones, which in the hot season formed the reception-room. The mansions of the rich were sometimes two-storied, and had more than one hall, each differently decorated. To the right and left of the halls heavily curtained doors led to the reception and living rooms. In winter, the marble floors of the apartments were richly carpeted ; in summer, they were covered with matting. The diwaii, or long couch round the wall, had not yet come into fashion, for we hear of it first under the Abbassides. If the master of the house was of high rank it was customary to place several rugs one upon another, so as to form a higher seat for him. Opposite the door was a niche ornamented with marble pillars, in which stood the ewer and basin used for the prescribed ablutions, and it is probable that, as now, an ornamental shelf ran along the wall in which were placed articles of use and luxury. The ceilings were adorned with arabesques, and richly gilt. In winter the rooms were warmed by means of a brazier placed in the centre of the room, while in summer the fountains and open windows kept the apartments cool. 

The sovereign was expected to preside at the Friday Court, Cathedral service and the daily prayers. This duty was faithfully observed by Muawiyah, Abdul Malik, and Omar II.; but the others often shirked attendance at the latter. The ruler's presence, however, was indispensable at the Friday service, when he delivered the pontifical sermon. On these occasions lie appeared in the Jamaa Mosque clothed entirely in white, in a pointed white cap sometimes adorned with jewels. The signet-ring and staff of the Prophet formed the sole insignia of office. After prayers he ascended the pulpit and preached a sermon to the assembled congregation. Some of the gayer and more frivolous sovereigns of this dynasty found attendance even at Friday services too irksome. Yezid II., for example, was often represented at public prayers by the chief of the body-guard {Sahib ush-Shuria) and Walid II. once indulged in a prank which greatly angered the religious people in the capital. He sent to the Mosque, enveloped in his cloak, a beautiful lady of the harem with whom he had been entertaining himself, and who entered fully into the spirit of the joke, to preside at the Friday service in his stead. 

Besides these religious functions, the sovereign performed the duties of a high court of appeal, and received in audience the grandees of the state and the envoys of neighbouring princes. The receptions were either public {acirn) or private {khds). At the public audiences the sovereign was seated on his throne in the large reception hall, with the princes of the royal blood ranged on his right ; and the courtiers and dignitaries, and general retinue of the Court, on the left. Before him stood all the people entitled to enter and salute the sovereign — the notables of the town, the masters of crafts and guilds, poets, legists, etc. The private audiences were reserved for the members of the reigning house, dignitaries of state and special favourites, a custom not confined to the Ommeyades. At these receptions the sovereigns were dressed in gorgeous robes. The Ommeyade Sardanapalus, Walid II., wore tunics of gold brocade and trousers of damask, whilst Sulaiman, his uncle, never wore anything but damask, and was buried in it. 

The first rulers of the Ommeyade dynasty spent most of their unoccupied time in listening to the stories of the wars, adventures, and deeds of heroism of the Arabs before the birth of Islam. Poetical recitations also enlivened their entertainments. Under Yezid I the use of wine came into fashion. He himself drank immoderately, and his social gatherings, like those of Yezid II. and Walid 11. , were more like drinking bouts and orgies than convivial feasts. Before long recitations made room for singing and music. The best singers flocked to Damascus from Mecca and Medina, in those days the home of the musical arts. The games of chess and polo had not yet come into vogue, but dice, and apparently cards, were not unknown. Cock-fights, though forbidden by Walid I. and Omar II., were, as in England until recent times, fashionable pastimes. But the favourite form of outdoor amusement and diversion among all classes of the people was horse-racing. Hisham is said to have been the first to establish races with the object of improving the breed of horses. As many as four thousand horses from his own and other stables ran in the races organised by him, which, says Masudi, is without precedent. Even princesses trained and ran horses. 

Walid II. was equally devoted to horse-racing, and there existed great rivalry between him and Hisham on the subject of their horses. In this reign the love of music grew almost into a craze; and enormous sums were spent on famous singers and musicians, who were summoned to court from the most distant parts. The large influx into the capital of the servile classes in pursuit of their vocation of dancing and singing naturally demoralised society and gradually led to the segregation of the respectable section of the female community. A thoughtful historian says, "the actual system, commenced only under Walid II., who, in imitation of the Byzantine custom, introduced eunuchs into his household. From that time forward these' unfortunate creatures played a conspicuous part in the oriental courts as confidential servants and guards of female honour. The abominable custom of mutilation was practised by the Greeks, who afterwards traded with the objects of their avarice." So late as the third century of the Hegira, a learned Arab, the well-known rationalist (Mutazalite) al-Jahiz,- condemned the practice in the strongest terms. But though reprehended and denounced by Moslem doctors and divines, the system took root in the Ommeyade court. 

As the Ommeyades borrowed from the Court of Byzantine the abominable custom of employing eunuchs, especially for the inner service 0f the palace, they also adopted various customs and rules of etiquette in vogue among the old Persian kings. Whilst the example of the sovereigns made the use of wine almost universal among the men, the ladies indulged in a beverage still sold in the bazaars of Damascus and Beyrut under the name of rose-sugar sherbet — a solution of rose-sugar and water, cooled in summer with snow. The ladies of the royal family seem to have been particularly addicted to this drink, and in later days a crystal and gold goblet of large proportions was exhibited in the treasury of Bagdad out of which Umm Halim, the wife of Hisham, drank her sherbet. The second ruler of the Ommeyade dynasty, Yezid I., in imitation of some of the old Persian kings, intoxicated himself daily, and was hardly ever sober. Abdul Malik is said to have taken wine freely once a month, but the application of a remedy in use among the Roman emperors left him next morning fresh and lively, without any trace of the night's revels. Walid I. drank every second day, whilst his brother Yezid II., and his nephew Walid II., were constantly drunk. Among the sovereigns of the Ommeyade dynasty only three did not indulge in wine — the pious Omar II., Hisham, and Yezid III. The wine-parties in the royal palace, as well as in the mansions of the great, were enlivened by music and song. On these occasions a thin curtain, hung in the middle of the hall, pretended to hide the august person of the sovereign and his immediate surroundings, from the view of the assembly of courtiers, singers, and musicians. 

As already mentioned, the custom of female Women seclusion, which was in vogue among the Persians from very early times, made its appearance among the Moslem communities in the reign of Walid II the character and habits of the sovereign favoured the growth and development of a practice which pride and imitation had transplanted to the congenial soil of Syria. His utter disregard of social conventionalities, and the daring and coolness with which he entered the privacy of families, compelled the adoption of safeguards against outside intrusion, which once introduced became sanctified into a custom. To the uncultured mind walls and warders appear to afford more effective protection than nobility of sentiment and purity of heart. 

Despite these unfavourable circumstances, women continued down to the accession of Mutawakkil, the tenth Caliph of the House of Abbas, to enjoy an extraordinary amount of freedom. The old chivalry was yet alive among men; Byzantine licence and Persian luxury had not destroyed the simplicity and freedom of the desert. Fathers were still proud to assume surnames after their accomplished and beautiful daughters; and brothers and lovers still rushed to battle acclaiming the names of their sisters and lady-loves. Umm-ul-Banin, the wife of Walid I., and sister of Omar II., was another remarkable woman of the time. Her influence over her husband was considerable, and was always exercised for the good of the people. The lecture she once administered to Hajjaj is famous in history. He had come to visit Walid, and had the effrontery to advise him to shake off the influence of the Queen. When Umm-ul-Banin heard this, she asked Walid to send Hajjaj to pay his duties to her. Hajjaj came into the Queen's chamber. He was received with studied neglect, and was allowed to remain waiting for a long time. Umm ul-Banin then entered the hall of audience, accompanied by her maids. His obeisance was acknowledged with reserve; and the Queen questioned him about his advice to the sovereign not to allow her interference in affairs of state. A prevaricating reply led to a memorable lecture. The royal lady recounted one by one all his misdeeds, and laid open before him how he had induced his masters to cruel deeds, in which the best followers of the Faith had been sacrificed, and how he had proved himself the evil genius of her family. 

The question of the Imamate, or spiritual headship of Islam, formed the principal point of difference between each group. The Ommeyade asserted, if he did not believe, that it belonged to his clan ; the adherents of the descendants of Mohammed maintained that it was the right of the Prophet's family; the Abbassides claimed it for their branch; whilst the Kharijis held that the right of electing an Imam appertained to the universality of the people, irrespective of race, clan, or family. Among the Ommeyades there was one cardinal doctrine, viz. the execration of Ali and his descendants; for the rest, each followed the rules of conduct supported by their traditions. Those who were inimical to the House of Ali were called Nawasib (plural of Nasabi, a rebel), whilst their partisans were styled ash-Shiat ul-ahl-Bait, "adherents of the people of the House." Among the Fatimides alone religious ideas took a philosophical turn. The general diffusion of learning had set free the spirit of inquiry. Philosophical discussions became common at every centre of population, and the lead was given by the school which flourished at Medina, under a great-grand-son of the Caliph Ali, named Imam Jaafar, surnamed Sadik. A man of inquiring mind and a keen thinker, well versed in most of the learning of the time, he was virtually the founder of the chief philosophical schools in Islam. His lectures were attended not only by men who afterwards became the founders of schools of law, but also by philosophers and students from distant lands. Imam Hassan al-Basri,who founded a school of philosophy in his native city (Bussorah), was one of his disciples.- Wasil bin Aata, the founder of the great Mutazalite School, derived his inspiration from the same fountain-head. Wasil, like the Fatimide Imam, taught the liberty of human will.

Yezid III. and Merwan II. were both Mutazalites; so also was Ibrahim, the brother of Yezid III. In Damascus, three men, Maabad al-Juhni, Jilan Dimashki, and Eunas al-Aswari, went further than Wasil in asserting the absolute free agency of man, whilst Jahm bin Safwan upheld predestinarianism.