Mamun at Merv — Disorders in Bagdad — Death of Imam Ali ar-Raza — Mamun at Bagdad — War with the Greeks— Rationahsm — Mamun's death — His character — Intellectual development of the Saracens under Mamun — Accession of Mutasim — Change of capital — Formation of the Turkish guard — Capture of Babek —Defeat of the Greeks — Death of Mutasim — Accession of Wasik — His character — His death.
Had Mamun moved at once upon Bagdad, the disorders jviamCin at of the next few years would have been avoided. But he relied on Fazl bin Sahl, his vizier, and was content to leave to him the absolute and uncontrolled direction of the government, spending his own time in philosophical discussions with the savants and scholars who formed his court. Fazl on his side was anxious to keep the sovereign at Merv, where he was entirely under the ambitious minister's influence. No information regarding the real state of affairs in the west was allowed to reach the Caliph, and he was thus kept in complete ignorance of the events that were taking place in Irak and Syria.
Shortly after Amin's death a partisan of the Ommeyades named Nasr rose against Mamun in Mesopotamia, and in Irak and defied the Imperial troops for over five years. In Irak, the Bedouins, joined by all the bad characters of the neighbourhood, rose against Hassan bin Sahl, who had been appointed by his brother as governor of Irak. The general confusion in the western provinces of the empire was not without its effects on the more ambitious scions of the House of Ali. They and some of the descendants of his brother Jaafar, surnamed Tayyar, who had hitherto lived in comparative obscurity, perhaps felt that the time had arrived when they would be restored to their rights. An Alide commonly known as Ibn Taba-Taba appeared in Kufa, and invited the people to take the oath of allegiance to the family of the Prophet. He was supported by Abu Saraya, a quondam freebooter. Combining their forces they defeated Hassan bin Sahl, and made themselves masters of the whole of Southern Irak. Ibn Taba-Taba was poisoned soon after by his supporter, who chose in his place a young lad belonging to the Alides.
Whilst these events were taking place on the banks of the Tigris, in Hijaz a son of the Imam Jaafar as-Sadik was elected Caliph. The whole country from the borders of Persia to Yemen was thus involved in internecine strife, and rapine and slaughter raged through the land. But none of this news was allowed to reach Mamun. At last the rising in Irak assumed such formidable dimensions that Fazl was compelled, in spite of his jealousy, to send Harsama against Abu Saraya. The rebel was defeated and killed, and the young lad whom he had elected as Caliph was sent to Merv, where he afterwards became a protege of Mamun. After he had quelled the insurrection in Irak, Harsama was ordered to go to Egypt, but the old warrior refused to obey the vizier's orders until he had opened the Caliph's eyes to the dangers that surrounded him. He hurried to Merv, and arrived suddenly in the royal presence. Hot words passed on both sides, and Harsama, with a soldierly bluntness, told Mamun how the empire was drifting to ruin. Hardly had he left the sovereign on his way to Harsama's his residence, than he was set upon by the vizier's myrmidons, and so severely assaulted that he died of his injuries a few days after. To Mamun's inquiries he was represented as lying ill at home, and not until some time after did the Caliph know how the state had lost an invaluable servant. The news of Harsama's death caused a violent riot among the troops at Bagdad, with whom he was extremely popular, and fighting commenced anew all round. The people refused to obey Hassan bin Sahl, or his brother Fazl, calling him "a Magian son of a Magian," and elected in Hassan's place as governor, Mansur bin Mahdi, who accepted the government provisionally on the express condition that he would hold it until such time as Mamun came himself or deputed somebody else.
In the year 200 a.h. Mamun commenced to put into execution his long-formed project of making over the Caliphate to the House of Mohammed. With this object he sent for the Fatimide Imam Ali III., son of Musa al-Kazim, from Medina. He openly avowed that he had searched for a successor in his own family, as well as to the in that of the Alides, and had found none so qualified to fill the office of Pontiff as the son of Musa. Accordingly on the second of Ramazan in the year 201, the oath of fealty was taken to him as the heir apparent to the Caliphate, under the title of ar-Raza min Al-Mohammed, "the acceptable among the children of Mohammed," — shortly ar-Raza "the Acceptable." Henceforth he is called in history ar-Raza. Mamun directed at the same time that black, the colour of his house, should be abandoned and green, the colour of the Fatimides, adopted as the imperial livery.
The news of the nomination of Ali ar-Raza as successor to the Caliphate, threw the Abbasside clan in Bagdad into frenzy. They raised Ibrahim bin Mahdi to the throne, and expelled Hassan's officers from the capital. Bagdad and the neighbouring cities became frightful; there was absolutely no government, and the robbers and bad characters indulged in rapine and violence in open daylight. Matters at last became so serious that the respectable classes were compelled to take measures for their own safety. They formed vigilance committees for the enforcement of law and the maintenance of order; and any ruffian caught in the commission of offence against society promptly met his desert. These committees continued in working order until the arrival of Mamun at Bagdad. In Southern Irak and Hijaz the condition of affairs was equally bad: neither Ibrahim nor Hassan bin Sahl exercised any authority, and riots attended with murder and arson were rife in every city. It seemed as if under the selfish mismanagement of the Persian vizier, the empire of Mamun would fall to pieces.
In this crisis the Imam Ali ar-Raza betook himself to Mamun and acquainted him with the true state of affairs; he told him of the suppression of truth on the part of the vizier, of Ibrahim's election, of the unpopularity amongst the Abbassides of his own nomination as Mamun's successor, and the whole history of events since the unfortunate death of Amin. The Caliph was staggered, and naturally asked if any one else knew of the facts Raza had told him. The Imam gave the names of some chiefs of the army; they were sent for, and on receiving a guarantee of protection against the vizier's revenge, they corroborated every word the Imam had said; they told him how the Caliphate had lost in Harsama a faithful and tried servant through Fazl's cruel vindictiveness, and that Ibrahim bin Mahdi, far from being Mamun's deputy, as the vizier had represented him to be, was recognised by the Banu Abbas as the Sunni Caliph in contradiction to Mamun, whom they considered heretical. The scales fell from the Caliph's eyes; the order was issued for an immediate march towards the west; and the day following Mamun started with his whole Court for Bagdad. Fazl finding that his plot had miscarried, and unable to doany harm to the Imam ar-Raza, who was protected by his position, wreaked his vengeance upon those who were in some way subordinate to him. He had some flogged; others were thrown into prison; whilst not a few had
their beards plucked out.
The Imam ar-Raza again went to Mamun and told him of the vizier's cruelties. The Caliph replied that he could not at once deprive Fazl of his powers, but must do so by slow degrees. Mamun's resolve to dismiss Fazl was, however, anticipated by the host of irreconcilable enemies the Persian had raised against himself, and he was assassinated in his bath at Sarrakhs, a day's journey from Merv. The murderers were caught, and together with the instigators suffered the penalty of death.
At Tus, Mamun tarried a while by his father's tomb. Here he lost his faithful friend and adviser, the Imam ar-Raza, who had practically saved his empire. The Imam died suddenly, and was succeeded by his son Mohammed, surnamed Jawad (the generous) and Taki(the pious) in the apostolical chair. Mamun mourned for him with unaffected grief; and a mausoleum was built over the grave, which has since become the resort of Shiah pilgrims from all parts of the world, and is now known as Meshed (the holy sepulchre). After the obsequies of the Imam were over, the Caliph continued his march towards the capital, stopping at every place of importance. The length of the stay varied with the importance of the city. At Nahrwan, where he stayed eight days, he was met by the military chiefs, the notables of Bagdad, and the members of his family (the Banu Abbas). Up to this time everybody wore green; at the request of Tahir, who had come from Rakka to wait on Mamun, and of other principal men, the Abbasside colour was resumed.
Mamun's entry into Bagdad was of a triumphal character. The streets were decorated, the people wore gala dress, and on every side was rejoicing at the Bagdad. With Mamun's arrival all disorders ceased, and the vigilance committees formed for the protection of the citizens were dissolved. Mamun applied himself vigorously to the work of reorganising the administration and repairing the ravages committed in the city during the siege. On one of his rounds of inspection, he was accompanied by his chamberlain Ahmed, son of Abu Khalid, who described to him the general distress of the times. Mamun observed in reply that there were three classes of people in Bagdad, one the oppressed (Mazlum) the other the oppressors (Zalim), whilst a third were neither the one nor the other, and that these latter were at the root of all mischief. And the historian remarks this was the real fact.
The government of the Holy Cities was entrusted to an Alide; Kufa and Bussorah were given to two brothers of the Caliph, whilst the captaincy of the guard was bestowed on Tahir. The following year, Tahir applied for and obtained the viceroyalty of the East, which he appointed held until his death, two years later. Talha, his son, was then appointed in his place, and he governed the province for seven years.
Another son of Tahir, named Abdullah, equally capable as a general, but a far more humane man, was entrusted with the government of Syria and Egypt, together with the task of reducing Nasr Okaili. After some hard fighting the rebel was forced to sue for quarter. His castle of Kaisan was rased to the ground and he himself was sent to Court, where, with his usual forbearance, Mamun pardoned him. After restoring order in Mesopotamia, Abdullah bin Tahir proceeded to Egypt, where also an insurrection was in progress. He crushed the rebels in a single battle. A large body of Spanish Moslems expelled from Andalusia by the Ommeyade sovereign of that country had arrived in Egypt accompanied by their families, and by their unruly conduct caused disturbances in Alexandria. Abdullah called upon them either to deliver up their arms or to leave the province. They asked for permission to go to Crete (Ikritash), which was at once accorded. These unwelcome guests, on their departure, were furnished with supplies and such assistance as they needed for the conquest of the island. They and a number of volunteers who joined in the enterprise sailed for Crete, where they easily effected a landing; after a short struggle the islanders submitted, and the invaders settled themselves in their conquest, where they and their descendants have dwelt ever since.
Conquest Two years previously Ziadatullah Aghlab had brought island of Sicily under the sway of the Caliph. Rebellions in Yemen and Khorasan were quelled without difficulty, and in both cases the insurgents were treated with exceptional leniency. About this time Mamun was startled by the discovery of a dangerous conspiracy for his assassination, headed by several prominent Abbassides. The chief conspirators met with the just deserts of their crime, but the rank and file received a complete pardon.
Ramazan of this year Mamun married Khadija, surnamed Buran, the beautiful daughter of his vizier and to whom he was betrothed whilst at Merv. The splendour of the nuptials gives some idea of the magnificence of the Court of Bagdad at this epoch.
The marriage was celebrated with great festivals and rejoicings at a place called Fam us-Silh, where Hassan resided at the time. Here the vizier entertained the whole company for seventeen days on a lavish and gorgeous scale. Zubaida and her daughter with other ladies of the imperial household were present at this wedding; their surpassing beauty and the magnificence of their attire were sung by the poets invited on the occasion. But the most beauteous of them all was the bride herself. At the ceremony her grandmother showered upon the Caliph and his bride from a tray of gold a thousand pearls of unique size and splendour; they were collected under his orders, made into a necklace, and given to the young queen. The hymeneal apartment was lighted by a candle of ambergris, weighing eighty pounds, fixed in a candlestick of gold. When the imperial party was departing the vizier presented the chief officers of state with robes of honour, and showered balls of musk upon the princes and chiefs who accompanied the Caliph. Each of these balls contained a ticket on which was inscribed the name of an estate, or a slave or a team of horses, or some such gift; the recipient then took it to an agent who delivered to him the property which had fallen to his lot. Among the common people he scattered gold and silver coins, balls of musk, and eggs of amber. In .order to recoup Hassan for his expenses, Mamun granted to him a year's revenue of Fars and Ahwaz (ancient Susiana). Buran is one of the most notable women in Islam. By her wit and beauty, joined to her accomplishments and virtues, she succeeded in obtaining great influence over her husband, which was always exercised for the welfare of others. Her charity was profuse, and she was the founder of several hospitals and seminaries for women in Bagdad. She survived Mamun nearly fifty years, and thus witnessed the empire not only in the height of its glory, but also in the commencement of its decline.
Early in Mamun's reign, whilst the empire was convulsed by internecine struggle and warfare, a brigand of the name of Babek had made himself the master of a stronghold in one of the most inaccessible defiles of Mazendran. He belonged to the Magian sect of Khurramieh, who believed in metempsychosis, and recognised none of the rules of morality enforced by Judaism, Christianity, or Islam. From his mountain fortress he mercilessly harried the surrounding country, slaughtered the men and carried away the women, Christian and Moslem, into loathsome captivity. Army after army was despatched against him, but from his inaccessible position he continued for several years to defy all efforts to crush him. Hard pressed at one time by the imperial troops, he entered into relations with the Greeks, and instigated them to make a diversion in his favour by invading the Moslem territories. The throne of Byzantium was occupied by Theophilus, the son of Michael the Stammerer. Joining hands with the nihilistic brigand, the Christian raided into the Saracenic dominions and massacred the large number of Moslems. To repel this gratuitous and treacherous attack Mamun took the field in person, and in three successive campaigns so completely crushed the enemy that he was obliged to sue for peace. These incessant wars created a deadly hostility between the Greeks and the Arabs, and left a legacy of hatred and bitterness, the remains of which still linger in the West.
After beating the Greeks the Caliph proceeded to Egypt; and a Turkish general of the name of Afshin, who was now coming into prominence, reduced al-Ferma, the farthest part of Upper Egypt, where the insurgents, driven from the lower tracts, had found refuge. To guard against the ever-recurring attacks of the Greeks, and the better to hold them in check, Mamun began the foundation of a strongly fortified military settlement at Tyana, seventy miles north of Tarsus. It was hardly finished when death overtook him. Encamped in the vicinity of a place called Bidandun, not far from Tarsus, Mamun and his brother were sitting on a hot autumn day by the banks of a river which gave the town its name, laving their feet in its icy cold water. The same night they were attacked with violent fever. Mamun was brought in that condition to Tarsus, where he died shortly after, and was buried within the gardens of a faithful servant of his father. Mutasim recovered, and was able to receive his brother's dying injunctions. With his last breath Mamun enjoined his successor carefully to guard the interests of his subjects, to protect them from oppression, to do justice, and never to transgress the law in the punishment of offences.
Mamun was born in the year 170 of the Hegira on the very day Harun, his father, ascended the throne, and reigned for twenty years and six months, besides the period "when prayers were offered for him in Mecca and Medina and Amin was besieged in Bagdad." He is described as a well-built, good-looking man of imposing appearance. "He was the most distinguished of the House of Abbas," says one of the annalists, "for his prudence, his determination, his clemency and judgment, his sagacity and awe-inspiring aspect, his intrepidity, majesty, and liberality. He had many eminent qualities, and a long series of memorable actions are recorded of him. Of the House of Abbas none wiser than he ever ruled the Caliphate."
Mamun's Caliphate constitutes the most glorious epoch in Saracenic history, and has been justly called the Augustan age of Islam. The twenty years of his reign have left enduring monuments of the intellectual development of the Moslems in all directions of thought. Their achievements were not restricted to any particular branch of science or literature, but ranged over the whole course of the domain of intellect; speculative philosophy and belles lettres were cultivated with as much avidity as the exact sciences. Mathematics, astronomy, the science of medicine, etc., all made gigantic strides during this glorious period of Asiatic civilisation; its intellectual heritage passed both into Saracenic Spain and Christian Constantinople, whence it descended to modern Europe. Mamun considered that the true happiness of his people consisted in education and culture. He did not wish the progress of knowledge to depend on the accidental munificence of individual Caliphs or nobles of the state, and with a true regard for the dignity of letters, he made it independent of casual gifts by creating permanent endowments for its promotion and support. Schools and colleges were opened in all directions, and richly endowed.
"We see for the first time," says Oelsner, "perhaps in the history of the world, a religious and despotic government allied to philosophy, preparing and partaking in its triumphs." In his sagacious tolerance, Mamun recognised no distinction of creed or race all his subjects were declared eligible for public offices, and every religious distinction was effaced. After the fall of the republic and the establishment of an autocracy, the state the ministers were the only advisers of the sovereign. Mamun established a regular Council of State, composed of representatives from all the communities under his sway. It thus included Moslems, Jews, Christians, Sabaeans, and Zoroastrians. Liberty of conscience and freedom of worship had been always enjoyed by non- Moslems under the Islamic regime; any occasional variation in this policy was due to the peculiar temperament of some local governor. Under Mamun, however, the liberality towards other religions was large-hearted and exemplary. In his reign we hear of eleven thousand Christian churches besides hundreds of synagogues and fire-temples. The patriarchs of Jerusalem and Antioch were the heads of the Christian Church, After the patriarch came the Jasalik (Catholicos), then the Metran (metropolitan), then the Iskaf (bishop), and lastly the Kissis (the priest). They all retained the privileges and immunities they had enjoyed under sovereigns of their own creed.
With the eye of genius Mamun foresaw the trend of the dogmas that were gradually coming into force in the Church of which he was the head; the rigidity they were acquiring with the efflux of time, and their ultimate consequences on society and state. In his judgment, adherence to those doctrines was worse than treason, for their tendency was to stifle all political and social development, and end in the destruction of the commonwealth. He foresaw the effect of swathing the mind of man with inflexible dogmas. He, therefore, applied himself vigorously, during the last four years of his reign, to the task of secularising the state, and of emancipating the human intellect from the shackles which doctors and jurists were beginning to place upon it. No one was better qualified than he for this great work of reform. In his knowledge of the traditions and jurisprudence he excelled most of the doctors of his time; his study of the Koran was profound and careful; he was a disciple of the apostolical Imam ar-Raza, from whom he imbibed his love for philosophy and science and that liberalism which forms a distinguishing feature in the teachings of the philosophers of the House of Mohammed. The first half of the second century had already witnessed the Dissent of Wasil bin Aata. Wasil was originally a disciple of the Imam Jaafar as-Sadik, from whom he learnt the value of Human Reason. He afterwards attended the lectures of Hassan al-Basri, from whom, however, he seceded on a question of religious dogma. His followers are, in consequence of his secession, called Mazhab Mutazalas or Dissenters, and the system that he founded designated as the mazhab of Itizal, the Dissenting Church. The Established Church inculcated several doctrines which Wasil considered as not only opposed to human reason, but as in direct conflict with the teachings of the Koran and of the Prophet. For example, it taught that every human act was pre-ordained — in other words, that man was not a free agent; that in the Day of Judgment there will be a corporeal resurrection, and that God will be seen with the corporeal eye; that the attributes of God were distinct from His Essence, and that the Koran was uncreated, existing from the beginning, co-eternal with Him. From the latter opinion it followed that every enunciation of a temporary character called for by the requirements of a primitive and changeable society must be converted into permanent immutable law. The Mutazalas, on the other hand, maintained in agreement with the apostolical Imams that man was a free agent in the choice of good and evil; that there would be no corporeal resurrection, nor could God be seen by corporeal sight, for that would imply that He Himself was a body; that the attributes of the Deity are not separate from His Essence, and that the Koran was created. They affirmed further that there is no eternal law as regards human actions; that the Divine ordinances which regulate the conduct of men are the results of growth and development, and are subject to the same process of change to which the Creator has subjected the universe at large.
Mamun adopted the Mutazalite doctrines and tried to introduce them in his dominions, as he considered the safety of Islam, and all hope of progress, depended on their general adoption. In the year 217 a.h. he sent a mandate to the governor of Bagdad to summon the leading doctors, and to test them on the essential doctrines and to report their answers. Most of the judges and doctors of Bagdad, either from conviction or from policy, expressed their agreement with the views of the Caliph. A few remained unyielding and rebellious. Among them all Ahmed bin Hanbal proved the most reactionary. Had Mamun lived longer, his personality, his genius and erudition would have overborne the contumacious opposition of the few who viewed with rancour or alarm all signs of development. His two immediate successors followed in his footsteps, and tried to continue his work, but without his ability or the breadth of his comprehension. Under them Rationalism acquired a predominance such as it has perhaps not gained even in modern times in European countries. The Rationalists preached in the mosques and lectured in the colleges; they had the moulding of the character of the nation's youth in their hands; they were the chief counsellors of the Caliphs, and it cannot be gainsaid that they used their influence wisely. As professors, preachers, scientists, physicians, viziers, or provincial governors, they helped in the growth and development of the Saracenic nation.
Mamun's reign was unquestionably the most brilliant and glorious of all in the history of Islam. The study and cultivation of humanitarian science is the best index to a nation's development. Mamun's court was crowded with men of science and letters; with poets, physicians, and philosophers from every part of the civilised world and of diverse creeds and nationalities. To each comer was extended, without any racial difference, a lavish patronage which was shared equally by historians, philologers, grammarians, and collectors of traditions who had gathered in the capital. To use the expression of a great French historian, whose sympathy with the Arab genius is as marked as his appreciation of their civilisation and intellectual achievements is keen and true, Mamun gave his name to the century of which he assured the literary glory. To the son of Harun belongs the glory of completing the work commenced by his grandfather, Mansur. Mamun, surrounded by the elite of savants and artists, collected afresh the writings of the school of Alexandria, and by his connection with the emperors of Constantinople secured from Athens the best philosophical works of ancient Greece. As soon as they were brought to Bagdad they were translated by competent scholars and issued to the public. The translation of works from Greek, Syriac, and Chaldaic was under the supervision of Costa the son of Luke; from ancient Persian, under Yahya bin Harun; from Sanscrit under Duban the Brahmin. Vast impetus was also given to original research and production by the establishment of special departments under qualified professors for the promotion and prosecution of special branches of study, and authorship was encouraged by munificent allowances.
The astronomical observations made in Mamun's reign in connection with the equinoxes, the eclipses, the apparitions of the comets and other celestial phenomena were most important. The size of the earth was calculated from the measurement of a degree on the shores of the Red Sea — this at a time when Christian Europe was asserting the flatness of the earth. Abu'l Hassan invented the telescope, of which he speaks as "a tube to the extremities of which were attached diopters." These "tubes" were improved and used afterwards in the observatories of Maragha and Cairo with great success. Innumerable works on arithmetic, geometry, philosophy, astronomy, meteorology, optics, mechanics, medicine, etc., were compiled and issued to the pubUc. Special attention was devoted to the study of medicine, and the number of distinguished physicians who figure as the companions of the sovereign give some index to the character of Mamun. The first observatory in Islam was established by Mamun at Shamassia on the plains of Tadmor. Afterwards several others were created at Wasit, Apamea, etc.
The Arab Conquest had naturally thrown into the background the language and literature of ancient Persia. Literature. The people themselves in the pursuit of Arabic neglected their mother tongue. By an unstinted patronage, Mamun revived the old learning and gave an impetus to the cultivation of the Persian language, enriched as it was by thousands of Arabic words. The poet Abbas (Marvazi)the founder of modern Persian poetry, flourished in this reign.
Tuesdays were set apart for literary, philosophical, and scientific discussions. The scholars and savants attended at the palace in the forenoon, where they were entertained by the chamberlain at a royal breakfast. After the repast they were ushered into the chamber set apart for these reunions, at which the Caliph presided. The assemblage took leave of the sovereign after the evening prayers, when they were again entertained at supper. The other days of the week were scrupulously devoted to the business of the state; no detail was missed, no account passed unexamined, no petition overlooked. Exceptionally humane and forbearing, he never imposed punishment unless compelled by the exigencies of Mamun's government. The tact with which he once silenced a zealot who, unbidden, had entered the royal presence, shows Mamun's genius for governing the people over whom he was placed. The Khariji came fearlessly towards the Caliph, but stopped near the edge of the carpet and gave the usual salutation. Then he asked the Caliph, "Tell me regarding this seat which thou occupiest — dost thou sit there with the unanimous consent of the people or by violence and force?" Mamun at once replied, "Neither the one nor the other; but one who governed the affairs of the Moslems bequeathed it to me and to my brother, and when the authority devolved upon me I felt that I needed the unanimous consent of the people, but I saw that if I abandoned the government, the security of Islam would be disturbed, the highways would be infested with robbers, and public affairs would fall into confusion, and there would be strife and disorder by which the Moslems would be hindered from going on pilgrimage and doing their duty, wherefore I arose in defence of the people, until they should be of accord upon one man whom they should approve, and I would then resign the government to him: now when they agree upon a man, I will abdicate in his favour." The man replied, "Peace be to you and the mercy of God and His blessing," and he departed. Mamun sent one of his attendants to follow him. From the report of the messenger it appeared that he was the leader of a band of zealots who had gathered for the purpose of a rising, but were completely disarmed by Mamun's tact.
Shortly before his death Mamun had issued a rescript nominating his brother Abu Ishak Mohammed, surnamed al-Mutasim b’Illah (shortly Mutasim), his successor to the Caliphate. It is difficult to understand at this distance of time the reasons which led Mamun to supersede his son Abbas, who was popular with the army, certainly with the Arabian section. Possibly he may have thought him impressionable and not likely to pursue the policy he had laid down for the guidance of the state. Perhaps he considered the stronger and maturer character of Mutasim as more certain of maintaining a continuity of action. The soldiery were at first clamorous for the election of Abbas, but he, mindful of his father's dying wishes, took the oath of fealty to his uncle, whereupon the troops withdrew their demand and followed his example. Mutasim was accordingly proclaimed Caliph at Tarsus.
With a short-sightedness which is unintelligible, he stopped the building of Tyana and brought back to Tarsus the stores, provisions, and garrisons intended for that place. With this exception he endeavoured to follow scrupulously in the footsteps of his brother. His great mistake, however, was the formation of a standing military corps composed of Turks - and other foreigners, which ultimately proved the ruin of the Caliphate. This corps was recruited by Turkish mamlukes and mercenaries from Central Asia and the highlands of Yemen and Egypt. Those who came from Transoxiana were called the Feraghina, whilst the Africans and Yemenis were named the Maghariba or westerns. They were commanded by their own officers who were directly under the sovereign. They were thus completely separate from the Arab and Persian troops. And it is not surprising that before long they assumed the part of the Praetorian guards of the Roman Empire, deposing and setting up sovereigns at their own will and pleasure. Dressed in splendid uniform they galloped recklessly through the streets of Bagdad, knocking everybody down who came in their way. There was a howl of rage in the capital. The infatuated sovereign, apprehensive of a riot, removed with his favourite corps to a place called Samarra, several days journey to the north-west of Bagdad. Samarra, or Surra-man-Raa as it now began to be called, became an Aldershot of Mutasim, who built for himself a palace there, with barracks for two hundred and fifty thousand soldiers and stables for a hundred and sixty thousand horses. Portions of the city were allotted to the Turkish chiefs, whose mansions vied in grandeur with the Caliph's residence.
This reign is remarkable for the appearance on the banks of the Tigris, of the Indian tribe of Jats, called by the Arab historians Zatt. How they came there we are not told, but it is said they numbered seventeen thousand souls. Their depredations caused Mutasim to send a small force against them, and they were brought in boats as prisoners to Bagdad for the Caliph to see the costume of their women. They were then settled on the frontiers of Cilicia. Here, without any cause whatsoever, they were attacked by the Greeks; the bulk were massacred, the survivors were taken away as captives and dispersed in Thrace. In 835 a.c. the apostolical Imam Mohammed at-Taki died at Bagdad, whilst on a visit to Mutasim with his wife Umm ul-Fazl, the daughter of Mamun. He was succeeded by his son Ali.
The ravages of Babek had latterly spread in every direction, and it became a matter of vital importance to reduce him. Mutasim sent Afshin, one of his best Turkish generals, against the brigand. After a series of carefully conducted operations Afshin captured Babek's stronghold. His son and other relatives submitted, and were sent to Bagdad, where they received the royal pardon, and were treated with kindness. He and his brother escaped to Armenia, where they were seized by an Armenian chief and delivered to Afshin. They were brought to Bagdad; their crimes against humanity were too great and revolting for pardon. They were first paraded in the streets on an elephant, and then put to death. Seven thousand women, Christian and Moslem, were released by Afshin, and restored to their homes. The reception of the victorious general was royal, and he was covered with honours and presents, but his end was sorrowful.
Whilst Afshin was engaged in Mazendran, the Byzantine emperor Theophilus, who was in alliance with Babek, attempted a diversion in his favour. He invaded Cappadocia, devastated the Moslem territories, sacked and burned their cities, put the men to the sword, and carried away the women and children into slavery. Zibatra (Zapetron), Mutasim's birthplace, was reduced to ashes; the men were either killed or blinded with red-hot irons; others were subjected to mutilation. The news of these barbarities threw Mutasim into a furious rage, and he swore dire vengeance. Rapidly collecting his army, he marched against the treacherous and brutal Greeks. His vanguard met Theophilus beyond Ancyra, and inflicted on him a terrible defeat. The Caliph then marched on Amorium, the birthplace of Theophilus. After a siege of fifty days it was carried by storm, and rased to the ground; thirty thousand men were put to the sword, the rest were carried away to Bagdad with Batis (Aetius), the Greek commander. Mutasim now directed his march towards the Propontis and Bosphorus with the object of striking a final blow at the Greek power. But the discovery of a dangerous plot within his own camp withheld him. Some of the Arab generals, jealous of the influence possessed by the Turks, and disgusted with the way in which they were treated by the Caliph, entered into a conspiracy with the young and misguided Abbas to assassinate Mutasim. The plot was discovered by chance, and appeared to be so extensive, that it upset the Caliph's plans. Abbas and his fellow-conspirators were executed, and Mutasim marched back to Samarra after concluding a convention with Theophilus, whom the capture of Amorium had thoroughly cowed.
In the year 224 a.h. the Magian prince of Tabaristan, named Maziar, raised the standard of revolt. Under the impression that Abdullah bin Tahir would not be able to suppress Maziar's revolt, and that Mutasim would be compelled to appoint him as Viceroy of the East in place of Abdullah, Afshin secretly instigated the Magian chief to fight to the bitter end. But Maziar was captured by Abdullah and sent to Bagdad. In the Caliph's presence, he exposed Afshin's treachery, and showed the letters he had received. Maziar was executed, and Afshin was imprisoned in his own house and starved to death. This Turkish chief was apparently a man of culture, for the story that he possessed books written in strange characters, and that his house was full of idols, seems to show that he was rather in advance of the times, and liked to surround himself with literature and curiosities gathered from different parts. Mutasim was seized with a fatal illness shortly after, and died on 227 a.h.(842 a.c.)
Mutasim is said to have promoted agriculture, and taken a great interest in the development of the natural resources of the empire. Though fiery in temper and somewhat hard of heart, the influence of the chief judge, Ahmed, the son of Abu Duwad, saved him from many cruel acts. The Kazi's advice often neutraHsed the evil counsels of Mutasim's vizier. "Ahmed," says Masudi, "was one of those privileged men on whom God bestows His gifts of nature, one of those whom He directs in the right path, and inspires with the love of truth and practice of virtue." Ahmed, .son of Abii Duwad, was a leader of the Mutazalites.
Mutasim was succeeded on the throne by his son, Abu Jaafar Wasik b'Illah. Wasik's character has been grossly misrepresented by some of the orthodox writers. In reality, he was an excellent sovereign, — generous, "forbearing and patient under annoyance." His administration was firm and enlightened. Although fond of good cheer, his private life was above reproach. He patronised literature and science, and encouraged industry and commerce. With a literary turn of mind he joined great proficiency in music, and is said to have composed a hundred airs and melodies. His charity was unbounded, and under his government there was not a single mendicant within the empire. In this reign an interchange of prisoners on an extensive scale took place between the Greeks and the Saracens.
Wasik continued the fatal mistake made by his father, of aggrandising the Turks at the expense of the Arabs and Persians. He appointed Ashnas the Sultan or lieutenant of the empire, and decorated him with a jewelled girdle and sword. Wasik tried hard to diffuse the Rationalistic doctrines among the people, but his endeavours were counteracted by the reactionary jurists, who secretly worked against him. His premature death was an irreparable calamity, for with him ended the glory of the Abbassides. For the next two centuries their history presents a confused picture of sovereigns; coming to the throne without power, and descending to the grave without regret. Wasik died at Surra-man-Raa (Sammara) on the 24th Zu'l Hijja, 232 a.h.(847 a.c.)
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