A History History Saracens:Chapter XXII

The Caliph Nasir — Malik Saleh Ismail, Prince of Damascus — Saladin invited to Damascus— War between Saladin and Malik Saleh — Saladin ruler of Syria — Invested with the title of Sultan — Malik Saleh's death — Saladin's power —The kingdom of Jerusalem — The Crusaders break the truce — Battle of Tiberias — Rout of the Crusaders — Conquest of Acre, Naplus, Jericho, etc. — Siege of Jerusalem — Its capitulation— Humanity of Saladin — The Third Crusade — Siege of Acre — Heroic defence — The Crusaders' defeats — Death of Frederick Barbarossa — Arrival of the Kings of France and England — Acre taken — Cruelty of Richard Coeur de Lion — Ascalon rased to the ground by Saladin — Peace with Richard— Death of Saladin — His character.

Immediately on learning of the death of his patron and Saladin sent his condolences to Malik Saleh with the customary presents, offering his services and expressing devotion. He continued the prayers and the coinage, the chief tokens of suzerainty, in the name of Nur ud-din's successor. But the minority of Malik Saleh encouraged the ambitions of his father's vassals and courtiers, and each tried to aggrandise himself at the expense of the young king. Their intrigues compelled Saladin to write in stern language, warning them against treachery, and threatening that if matters did not mend, he himself would come to Damascus to look after his sovereign. On this one of the Ameers (Gumushtagin) hurried off Malik Saleh to Aleppo, leaving Damascus exposed to a Frankish attack. The Crusaders would not forego the opportunity, and laid siege to the city, which was only raised on the payment of a large ransom.

Enraged at this and invited by some of the chief men, Saladin hurried to Damascus with seven hundred horsemen and took possession of the city. He did not enter the palace of Nur ud-din, but abode in his own house where his father, Najm ud-din Ayub, lived whilst at Damascus. From here he wrote to the young Atabek a respectful letter, containing his homage, and the assurance that he had come to Syria only for his suzerain's protection. The answer which was drawn up by his enemies contained, instead of thanks, accusations of ingratitude and disobedience. Provoked at this he marched towards Aleppo, with the object of having a personal interview with Malik Saleh. The young lad, instigated by Gumushtagin, did not look upon him with friendly eyes.

When Saladin approached the northern city, the son of Nur ud-din, although only twelve years of age, came riding into the market-place and reminded the people of the gratitude they owed to his father, and called upon them to help him against "the ungrateful man outside." The Aleppins issued in arms against Saladin. "God is my witness," exclaimed he, "that I wish it not to come to arms, but since ye will have it so, they shall decide." The troops of Aleppo were defeated and fled in disorder into the city. Finding himself helpless, Gumushtagin unsheathed against Saladin the daggers of the Assassins. Their attack failed, and the unworthy guardian of young Malik Saleh appealed for help to the Crusaders and to Saif ud-din Ghazi II., Atabek of Mosul. The former laid siege to Emessa, but fell back on the approach of Saladin, who once more attempted to come to an amicable arrangement with the son of Nur ud-din. He offered him, in a respectful letter, the restoration of Hama, Emessa, and Baalbek, on condition of holding Damascus and Egypt as his lieutenant. His offers were haughtily refused. In a battle under the walls of the city, Malik Saleh's troops were again defeated and Aleppo was besieged in earnest. Gumushtagin and Saif ud-din Ghazi were compelled to sue for peace; they sent the young daughter of Nur ud-din, a mere child, to the camp of Saladin to excite his pity and to obtain favourable terms. Saladin received the maiden with the greatest kindness, covered her with presents, and at her request gave back all the cities he had taken in the principality of Aleppo. By the treaty, Damascus was definitely made over to him. From this time Malik Saleh's name was removed from the Khutba in Syria, Hijaz, and Caliph, the fountain of all legitimate title of authority, ratified Saladin's assumption of independent Sultan, power by the usual investiture and the title of Sultan.

In 579 A.H. Malik Saleh died at the age of nineteen, leaving his principality to his cousin Izz ud-din, who had succeeded Saif ud-din in the Atabekship of Mosul. Izz ud-din exchanged with his brother Imad ud-din the principality of Aleppo for the seigniory of Sinjar. After a while Imad ud-din accepted Saladin as his suzerain, and, in return for some valuable fiefs, made over Aleppo to the great monarch of Egypt. Mosul followed suit, and the Atabek was guaranteed in his riverain territories lying between the Tigris and the Euphrates. By the end of 1182 a.c. the authority of Saladin was acknowledged by all the sovereigns of Western Asia, including the Sultan of Iconium and the Prince of Greater Armenia and he was entitled to call upon them in any emergency to take the field with him.

But the Frankish kingdom of Jerusalem drew its supplies of men and materials from all parts of Europe; knights in quest of glory, adventurers in search of riches, fanatics anxious to war against the "infidels," criminals escaping from justice, all flocked to the Syrian coasts. Amaury had died about this time, leaving the throne to his son Baldwin IV., but this poor youth was afflicted with a fell disease which soon made him a pitiable object and prevented his taking any part in the government of his kingdom. His sister Sybilla was married to the Marquis of Montferrat, by whom she had a child, also named Baldwin. On Montferrat's death she married Guy de Lusignan, and him Baldwin appointed as Regent.

Shortly after, he deposed Guy de Lusignan from the Regency and entrusted it to Raymond, Count of Tripoli. At the same time he resigned the throne in favour of his nephew, Baldwin V., who was then only five years of age. The infant king is supposed to have been murdered by, or with the connivance of, his own unnatural mother. Whether that be true or not, on his death Sybilla was accepted as the Queen of Jerusalem, and she herself placed the crown on her husband's head, and King. Thus in the year 1187 a.c. the throne of Palestine came to be occupied by Sybilla and Guy de Lusignan.

In the time of Baldwin the Leper, a truce had been concluded between the Sultan and the Franks. "It is worthy of remark," says Michaud, "that the Mussulmans respected their pledged faith, whilst the Christians gave signal for a new war." Renaud, or Reginald, of Chatillon, who married Constance the widow of Raymond of Poictiers, was for a long time a prisoner in the hands of Nur ud-din Mahmud. Malik Saleh gave him his freedom. He then married the widow of Humphrey of Thorun, from whom he obtained the seigniories of Karak and Montreal. In the year 1186, in violation of the truce existing between the Christians and Moslems, he attacked a rich caravan passing by his castle, massacred number of the people, and pillaged their goods. The enraged Sultan demanded redress from the King of Jerusalem; on its refusal, Saladin himself took in hand the work of punishment. Karak was besieged, whilst a small force under Ali, surnamed al-Malik ul-Afzal (Saladin's eldest son), was sent towards Galilee to keep an eye on the Franks. No sooner, however, did they learn of the siege of Karak, and of the advance of al-Malik ul-Afzal, than uniting their forces they marched against him. The Sultan on his side hastened to the support of his son. The two armies were equally matched; the Franks had gathered on the plains of Safuria or Sepphoris, but by a skilful manoeuvre, Saladin drew them into an enclosed valley among the mountains in the neighbourhood of Tiberias near the hill of Hittin. The Franks came down the hills "like mountains in movement," with their face towards the Lake of Tiberias, whilst the sultan's force was posted in front of the lake, thus cutting off the Crusaders from the water. It was the 23rd and evening of Thursday, the 2nd of July, as the two armies stood face to face. The Sultan was up the whole night making his dispositions for the fateful fight of the next day. The battle of Friday and the following morning, gave the death-blow to Guy de Lusignan's kingdom.

A hotly-contested fight ended in a terrible rout; ten thousand Crusaders fell on the field, and their principal leaders were either killed or taken prisoner. Among the latter were Guy de Lusignan, his brother Geoffrey, Renaud of Chatillon (the main cause of the war), the son of Humphrey of Thorun, Count Hugh of Jubail, the son of the Lord of Tiberiade, and the grand-masters of the two orders. The only persons who escaped were Raymond of Tripoli, the Lord of Tiberiade, Renaud of Sidon, the son of the Prince of Antioch, and Balian of Ibelin. These evaded pursuit and managed to reach the coast. Guy de Lusignan was well treated, but Renaud of Chatillon and several others, who like him had violated the treaty and massacred the Moslems during the truce, were put to death. The Sultan did not allow the enemy time to recover from his defeat, and rapidly followed up the victory of Hittin. The castle of Tiberiade was captured, and the wife of Raymond of Tripoli fell into the hands of the Sultan; she was sent to her husband with every courtesy and respect; no woman was insulted or child hurt. Soon Ptolemais saw him under its ramparts. This city, which had resisted the most formidable armies of Christendom for two years, fell into Saladin's hands in two days. Naplus, Jericho, Ramlah, Caesarea, Arsuf, Jaffa, Beyrut, and a number of other cities opened their gates without any opposition. On the sea-coast, Tyre, Tripoli, and Ascalon alone remained in the hands of the Crusaders. Ascalon submitted after a short siege, and received generous terms.

The Sultan then turned his attention towards Jerusalem, which contained within its walls over sixty thousand soldiers, besides an immense civil population. On approaching the city he sent for the principal inhabitants and spoke to them in the following terms — "I know, as you do, that Jerusalem is a holy place. 1 I do not wish to profane it by the effusion of blood; abandon your ramparts, and I shall give you a part of my treasures and as much land as you can cultivate." With characteristic fanaticism the Crusaders refused this generous and humane offer. Irritated by their refusal, Saladin vowed he would avenge on the city the butchery committed by the comrades and soldiers of Godfrey de Bouillon. After the siege had lasted a while, the Crusaders lost heart, and appealed for mercy "in the name of the common Father of mankind."

The Sultan's kindness of heart conquered his desire for punishment. The Greeks and Syrian Christians within Jerusalem received permission to abide in the Sultan's the dominions in the full enjoyment of their civil rights, the Franks and Latins who wished to settle in Palestine as subjects of the Sultan were permitted to do so. All the combatants within the city were to leave with their women and children within forty days, under the safe-conduct of the Sultan's soldiers and betake themselves either to Tyre or Tripoli. Their ransom was fixed at ten Syrian dinars for each man, five for each woman, and one for each child. On failure to pay the stipulated ransom, they were to remain in bondage. But this was a mere nominal provision. The Sultan himself paid the ransom for ten thousand people, whilst his brother Saif ud-din released seven thousand more. Several thousand were dismissed by Saladin's clemency without any ransom. The clergy and the people carried away all their treasures and valuables without the smallest molestation. Several Christians were seen carrying on their shoulders their feeble and aged parents or friends. Touched by the spectacle, the Sultan distributed a goodly sum to them in charity, and even provided them with mules to carry their burdens. When Sybilla, the Queen of Jerusalem, accompanied by the principal matrons and knights, took leave of him, he respected her unhappiness, and spoke to her with the utmost tenderness. She was followed by a number of weeping women, carrying their children in their arms. Several of them approached the Sultan and addressed him as follows — "You see us on foot, the wives, mothers, and daughters of warriors who are your prisoners; we are quitting for ever this country; they aided us in our lives, in losing them we lose our last hope; if you will give them to us, they can alleviate our miseries and we shall not be without support on earth." Saladin, touched by their prayers, at once restored to the mothers their sons, to the wives their husbands, and promised to treat whoever remained in his power with kindness. He distributed liberal alms among the orphans and widows, and allowed the Knights Hospitallers, although they had been in arms against him, to continue their work of tending the sick and wounded and looking after the Christian pilgrims.

Saladin's humanity was in striking contrast with the brutality of the nearest Christian prince. "Many of the Christians who left Jerusalem," says Mills, "went to Antioch, but Bohemond not only denied them hospitality, but even stripped them. They marched into the Saracenian country, and were well received." Michaud gives some striking details of Christian inhumanity to the exiles from Jerusalem. Repulsed by their brethren of the East, they wandered miserably about Syria, many dying of grief and hunger. Tripoli shut its gates against them, and "one woman, urged by despair, cast her infant into the sea, cursing the Christians who refused them succour." Out of respect for the feelings of the vanquished, the Sultan had abstained from entering the city until all the Crusaders had left. On Friday, the 27th of Rajab, 583 a.h., attended by the princes and lords and the dignitaries of the empire who had arrived in camp to congratulate him on his victory, he entered Jerusalem. The ravages of war were repaired on all sides, the mosques and colleges that had been demolished by the Franks were either restored or rebuilt, and a liberal and wise administration was introduced in the government of the country, quite different from the rude tyranny of the Crusaders.

From Jerusalem Saladin marched upon Tyre, where somewhat unwisely the Crusaders whom his humanity had liberated had been allowed to betake themselves. The garrison of Tyre, thus enforced from every direction, prepared for an obstinate defence. It was commanded by Conrad, Marquis of Montferrat, a man of ability and great cunning. He refused to obey the summons of the Sultan to surrender the city, alleging that he was under the commands of a sovereign over the seas. Without wasting time upon the siege of Tyre, Saladin turned aside for a while, and marching along the northern sea-board, reduced successively Laodicea, Jabala, Saihtin, Becas, Bozair, Derbersak, and other strong places still held by the Franks. He set at liberty Guy de Lusignan on his solemn word of honour that he would immediately leave for Europe. No sooner, however, did this Christian knight recover his freedom than he broke his pledged word, and collecting a large army from the debris of the crusading forces and new arrivals from the west, laid siege to Ptolemais. And it was now round this place that the interest of three continents became centred for the next two years.

The fall of Jerusalem threw Christendom into violent commotion, and every effort was made by the ecclesiastics to rouse the frenzy of the people and induce the sovereigns and princes of Europe to embark on another crusade. Their efforts were crowned with complete success. Reinforcements poured into Tyre as well as the camp before Acre, and the three principal sovereigns of Christendom, Frederick Barbarossa, the Emperor of Germany, Philip Augustus, King of France, and Richard Coeur de Lion, King of England, engaged in the enterprise. Had Saladin at this juncture, with his usual perspicacity and foresight, united the fleets of Egypt and Syria, and established a strict blockade of the Phoenician sea-board, he would have crippled the Crusaders in Palestine, and prevented the landing of the strong contingents that soon arrived from Europe. He forgot that the safety of Phoenicia lay in immunity from naval incursions, and that no victory on land could ensure against an influx from beyond the sea. As it was, the pisans, the Genoese, and the Venetians brought daily, with provisions and munitions of war, enormous accessions to the Crusaders. The following passages relating to the memorable siege, in the course of which the two personalities of Saladin and Richard of England stand forth in such bold contrast, drawn from the narratives of Ibn ul-Athir: "Whenever Salah ud-din took a city or fortress, he spared the lives of the inhabitants, and the Franks hastened to Tyre with all their riches, their women and children. Thus a large body of the enemy collected at this place, and they continually received reinforcements from beyond the sea."

Every means, he goes on to add, were taken to rouse the fanaticism of the people of Europe. The Patriarch of Jerusalem, whom Saladin had treated with such kindness, perambulated the Frankish cities with the figure of the Messiah wounded by an Arab, and thus excited the indignation of the Christians to the wildest pitch; in this manner he collected large armies for the help of the Franks in Palestine. Even women enrolled themselves for the war. A young Christian prisoner, the sole child of a widowed mother, whose only possession was a small house, told the historian how she sold the house, equipped him for the war, and sent him forth to fight with the Saracens. "The Franks came from all directions by land and by sea with all their forces," and when they were all united at Tyre, they thought first of attacking Sidon, but eventually determined on reconquering Acre. They accordingly marched upon this place, an enormous host, their route along the sea-coast, and their ships keeping alongside of them. The sea in fact was their great auxiliary, for it brought them materials, provisions, and help from their native countries. They arrived before Acre on the 15th Rajab, 585 a.h., and at once laid siege to the city.

As soon as Salah ud-din heard of the movement of the Franks, he held a council of war. His own opinion was to attack them en route; but he was dissuaded by his ameers, who advised an attack on the open ground before Acre. When Salah ud-din reached the place, he found the Crusaders encamped round Acre with their wings resting on the sea, thus closely encircling the city and cutting off all communications landward. Had, says Acre, the historian, Salah ud-din acted according to his own opinion and attacked the Franks before they had taken up position before Acre, he would have saved the city, "but when God wills a thing He provides means therefor." The Sultan encamped in front of the Crusaders, and established his tent on the hill of Kaisan (Tell-Kaisan). His right wing stretched to the Tell-Ayazia, and the left wing rested on the river Belus. He was now joined by some reinforcements which arrived from Mosul, Diar-Bakr, Sinjar, and Harran. Whilst the Moslems were thus reinforced on the land side, succour poured in for the Franks from over the seas. At the beginning of Shaban 585 a.h., Saladin attacked the Crusaders. Taki ud-din, his nephew, delivered a terrific charge, drove them from their positions, and restored communication with Acre. "Had the Mussulmans," says Ibn ul-Athir, "continued the fight up to the night, they would have completely attained their object, but after gaining half the positions of the Franks, they rested to resume the battle next day." Saladin now changed the garrison and re-provisioned Acre. Among the ameers whom he sent into the city was Husam ud-din (Abu'l Haija, nicknamed as-Samim or the Stout). On the 6th of Shaban the battle was begun by the Franks, who issued from behind their entrenchments and vigorously attacked the Saracens. They were repulsed with frightful slaughter and compelled to retreat behind their trenches.

At this time, Saladin's forces were dispersed all over the country; one army watched Bohemond, Prince of Antioch; another was stationed at Emessa, in front of Tripoli, for the defence of that frontier; a third watched Tyre, and a fourth held Damietta, Alexandria, etc., to guard against Frankish incursions from the sea. In spite, therefore, of the reinforcements he had received, the Sultan's force was numerically weaker than that of the Crusaders, and they, wanting to crush him before he received any further accession, delivered another attack, which, partially successful in the beginning, ended in a fearful rout. The number of Crusaders killed in this battle amounted to 10,000 men. In spite of Saladin's endeavours to keep the place clean and to throw the dead bodies into the sea, the exhalations from the numerous unburied corpses poisoned the atmosphere, and a deadly pestilence broke out. The Sultan himself was affected, and under the advice of the doctors and generals the camp was broken up, and Saladin and the troops moved to the neighbourhood of al-Kharruba. When the Saracens had departed, the Franks "recovered their tranquillity," and resumed the siege of Acre. And in order to protect themselves against Saladin's attacks, they made a deep ditch round their camp, and raised a high wall behind which they could shelter themselves when defeated.

Saladin spent the winter at al-Kharuba. In the spring of 1190 he descended again into the plains of Acre, and took up his former position. The Franks had constructed huge towers of wood filled with men in armour for attacking the ramparts of the city; the besieged, under the direction of a Damascene engineer, threw grenades filled with naphtha and Greek fire, which set fire to the movable towers, and they were burnt to the ground. About this time the Sultan was joined by some troops from the side of Mesopotamia. The Egyptian flotilla also arrived with provisions and munitions of war for the garrison of Acre. In a naval engagement, the Franks were worsted, and the Egyptian ships entered the harbour. The Saracen camp was, however, greatly disquieted by the news which came just then that Frederick Barbarossa, the Emperor of Germany (Malik Alman), marching upon Palestine with an enormous horde. He was harassed on the way by the Ouj Turkomans, who hung on his flanks, but he succeeded in crossing into Upper Cilicia (Bilad-ul-Arman), held by Lafun (Leo), the son of Istefan (Stephen). The Sultan hurried off messengers to his allies for assistance; he even sent an embassy to Yakub al-Mansur, the Sultan of Morocco, but they all showed themselves lukewarm in his support. Saladin was thus thrown upon his own resources to make head against the combined forces of Europe. The emperor, however, was never fated to reach his goal; he was drowned in the river Salaf (ancient Calycadnus) near Seleucia. Discord then broke out among his men; a large number returned home, whilst a small body under, his son (the Duke of Swabia) came to Antioch, and thence to Palestine. They finally took ship for home, but were wrecked on the way, and many were drowned.

On the 20th of Jamadi 11. 586, the Franks issued from their entrenchments and gave battle. They suffered a heavy and murderous defeat, and the field was covered with their slain and wounded. The Crusaders now lost heart. Two days later a formidable contingent arrived for them from beyond the seas under the command of al-Kond Heri (Count Henry of Champagne). This young man was the son of a half-sister of the King of England, and was also connected with the King of France. He landed his troops without difficulty in the neighbourhood of Acre, and formed a junction with the Crusaders already encamped there. He strongly fortified the camp, and concentrating his forces, announced his intention of attacking the Sultan. Saladin thereupon moved his troops back to al-Kharruba so as to have more space for the deployment of his army, and to avoid the terrible stench before Acre. The withdrawal of the Sultan's troops enabled the Crusaders to press the siege with vigour, but the Saracens confined within the city supported the horrors of this fierce attack with a heroic constancy. The ameers Karakush and Husam ud-din ceaselessly animated the courage of the soldiers. Vigilant, present everywhere, employing every force and every artifice, they allowed no occasion to escape either to surprise the Franks or to defeat their assaults. They burnt the machines of the besiegers, and in several "sorties drove the enemy back into their camp." Count Henry thereupon turned the siege into a blockade. But the Sultan relieved the garrison by sending provisions by the sea from Beyrut. 

The Franks then addressed a letter to the Pope "the sovereign of Rome the great", "who is their (religious) head, and whose words among them Siege of have the same authority as the directions of the Prophet among us." And at his instance help arrived for them from every quarter. When these reinforcements had joined Count Henry, he issued from his entrenchments to give battle to the Sultan, who met them "with an army ranged in good order." His sons Ali, Khizr, and Ghazi commanded in the centre, whilst his brother Saif ud-din with the Egyptian troops was on the right; the princes of Hamah, of Sinjar, and other feudatories commanded on the left. Unfortunately Saladin himself was ill that day with a disorder to which he was subject, and could only watch the battle from a small tent pitched on a hill from which he could overlook the field. The battle continued for a long time; eventually the Franks were driven back to their defences with great loss. "Had Salah ud-din not been indisposed that day, the fight would have been decisive." "The Franks now began to suffer from famine, and the approach of winter compelled them to send off their ships for shelter to the neighbouring isles of Greece." Saif ud-din Ali, son of Ahmed al-Mashtub, was placed in command of the city, but unfortunately the weakened garrison was not changed, nor, in spite of the Sultan's order, was the Opportunity taken by the ameers to re-provision the place. 

With the spring the Frankish vessels of war returned in enormous numbers and again interrupted communication with the garrison of Acre. Only a diver with letters could reach the Sultan's camp. On the 12th of Rabi I., 587 A. H., fresh help arrived for the Franks encamped before Acre. "The King of the French, Filib (Philip Augustus), one of the noblest of their monarchs, although his dominions are not extensive," landed with an immense army. Salah ud-din, who was then encamped at Shafra-aam, sent for reinforcements to his feudatories, but before these could reach him the Crusaders received great accessions to their strength of by the arrival of Malik Ankiltar - (the King of England) with twenty ship-loads of fighting men and munitions of war. The Crusaders were now in overwhelming force, and in consequence the evil they caused to the Moslems redoubled; "for Malik Ankiltar was noted in his time for bravery, deceit, activity, and endurance." When Salah ud-din received news of his coming, he ordered that a ship filled with provisions should be sent to Acre from Beyrut. This vessel was attacked by the Crusaders before it could run into harbour ; its commandant, Yakub al-Halebi (i.e. of Aleppo), one of the captains of the corps d'elite finding that his ship would fall into the hands of the enemy, went into the hold and scuttled the vessel. It was engulfed with all on board. 

The siege of Acre was now conducted with the greatest violence. For a time the garrison maintained a stout defence and drove back all assaults. The assistance promised by the feudatories had not arrived yet, and, in spite of repeated battles, the Sultan found himself unable to force the Crusaders to raise the siege. Enfeebled by war, pestilence, and famine, the defenders began to feel the pinch of a struggle which had lasted two years. In their extremity, Mashtub, the commandant of the city, betook himself to Philip Augustus and said to him, "We have been masters of this city for four years. when we took Ptolemais, we allowed all the inhabitants perfect freedom to go where they listed with all their goods and families; to-day we offer the city to you, and ask for the same conditions that we accorded to the Christians." The King of France refused to spare a single one of the inhabitants or garrison of Acre unless the Saracens restored Jerusalem and all the cities taken from the Crusaders since the battle of Tiberias. The Saracen ameer returned to the city bent on fighting to the last and burying himself under the ruins of the city. 

For a time the hopeless struggle continued, but famine was fast decimating the defenders, whilst the Sultan's army lay crippled for want of reinforcements. At last the Saracens within the city capitulated on the solemn condition that no life should be sacrificed by the Franks; that the Moslems on their side should restore the wood of the true Cross with 1600 prisoners, and give 200,000 pieces of gold to the chiefs of the Crusaders. Some delay occurred in the payment of the ransom; "the lion-hearted" King of England took out from the city the garrison, and butchered them in cold blood within sight of their brethren. 

The capture of Ptolemais cost the Crusaders 60,000 lives. "The victorious Crusaders," says Michaud, "enjoyed at last in Ptolemais a repose which they had not known since their arrival in Syria. The pleasures of peace, the abundance of food, the wine of Cyprus, the women who arrived from the neighbouring isles, made them forget for the moment the object of their enterprise." After refreshing themselves in the usual way, they marched under Richard's command upon Ascalon. Saladin marched alongside, and the 150 miles were signalised by eleven Homeric battles. At the battle of Arsuf, Saladin lost 8000 of his bravest men. Finding his troops too weak to prevent the strongest place in Palestine from falling into the hands of the Crusaders, he hurried on to Ascalon, removed the inhabitants, and rased it to the ground. When Richard arrived, he saw the uninhabitable ruins of a great fortress and city. And he saw more. He saw opposed to him a man of indomitable will and unceasing energy. 

Impressed with the personality of Saladin, Richard became anxious for peace. He himself was tired of the fruitless, harassing, and decimating struggle, and was anxious to return to his disturbed dominions. He accordingly sent messengers to demand a conference with the Sultan's brother, Saif ud-din (Malik ul-Aadil), The two princes met, the son of Hunferi (Humphrey of Thorun) acting as an interpreter. Richard dilated on his desire for peace, and mentioned the conditions he proposed, which were, however, found to be impossible, and nothing came of the interview. The Marquis of Montferrat, disgusted with the conduct of Richard, sent an envoy to the Sultan to make peace on his own account, on condition of obtaining Sidon and Beyrut. The Sultan agreed to his terms, provided he first carried out his part of the compact. Fresh messengers arrived from the King of England with proposals of peace and letters to "his brother and friend," al-Malik ul-Aadil, and to the Sultan. This time the sole conditions asked were that the Crusaders should be allowed to retain the cities they possessed on the littoral, and that Jerusalem, with the wood of the true Cross, should be restored to them. The Sultan emphatically rejected the demand for the retrocession of Jerusalem, but expressed his willingness to give back the wood of the Cross, provided peace was made according to his wishes. 

The King of England renewed his overtures to al-Malik ul-Aadil, and came to an agreement subject to the sanction of the Sultan and his council. The terms were that the sister of Richard, the widow of the King of Sicily, should be married to al- Malik ul-Aadil, that Richard should give for her dowry the cities held by him on the sea-coast; that the Sultan should give to his brother the cities he had conquered; that Jerusalem should be possessed by husband and wife as a neutral city free to the followers of both religions; a general exchange of prisoners, restoration of the Cross to the Christians, and the Hospitallers and Templars to maintain their privileges. The Sultan saw in these proposals the means of restoring peace between the two creeds so long arrayed against each other in sanguinary combat, and at once acceded to them. Had Richard's priests allowed the treaty to be concluded, probably it might have been the means of bridging the gulf that still divides Christendom from Islam. They raised an outcry against the idea of a Christian princess marrying a brave and chivalrous knight like Saif ud-din; they threatened Richard with excommunication; they played on the religious fears and superstition of the ex-Queen of Sicily. Richard, alarmed at their threats, sent envoys to "his brother and friend" requesting him to change his faith. This suggestion was, of course, declined. In the meantime fresh messengers arrived from the Marquis. The King of England thereupon entered into relations with the chief of the Assassins at Massiat to rid him of his inconvenient ally, and Conrad was set upon by two fedais and assassinated on the 16th of Rabi II., 588 a.h. 

An expedition against Jerusalem, commanded by Richard in person, ended in absolute failure, and this strengthened his desire to leave Palestine. He sent envoys to the Sultan with fresh proposals, in which all the previous demands were withdrawn. "I desire your affection and friendship," was the message of the King of England to the Sultan; "I have no wish to dominate over this land. I know you must be as unwilling to lose more of your people as I am of losing mine. I have given to Count Henry, the son of my sister, the country I hold, and now I commend him to you, and he will obey you and accompany you in your expeditions to the East. And I ask of you the Church (in Jerusalem)." The Sultan, with the advice of his council, who saw the necessity of giving peace to the land and rest to the army, returned a favourable answer. The same envoy, accompanied by the son of Count Humphrey, again arrived in the Sultan's camp with presents from the King of England, definitively abandoning all pretensions to Jerusalem, but asking for the three cities of Ascalon, Darum, and Gazza in good condition and a general peace. 

The Sultan replied that with the Prince of Antioch he would make peace separately, and that instead of Ascalon he was willing to give Richard Lydda, but not the other cities. Learning that the Crusaders were marching on Beyrut, Saladin broke up his camp and took the field again. Jaffa was taken by assault, but the citadel was relieved by Richard. The King of England again asked for a conference with delegates from al-Malik ul-Aadil. On their arrival in his camp, he spoke enthusiastically of the Sultan. He then asked the chief ameer to implore the Sultan, "in the name of God to make peace." In response to this appeal, the Sultan offered to Richard the sea-coast from Tyre to Caesarea. Richard asked for Jaffa and Ascalon. Saladin expressed his willingness to give Jaffa, but refused Ascalon on any condition. At last the King of England renounced the demand for Ascalon, and the terms of peace were concluded on ban, both sides. "A proclamation was then issued, announcing that peace was at last established between the Moslems and Christians, and declaring that the territories of both should equally enjoy repose and security; that persons of either nation might go into the territory of the other and return again, without molestation or fear. That day crowds assembled to hear the news, and the joy felt on both sides was extreme. The troops which were arriving from distant countries for the purpose of reinforcing the army, received permission to return home, and departed." Richard left soon after for his home. The sequel is known to every student of English history. 

Thus ended the Third Crusade, in which an enormous number of human beings perished, thousands of homes both in the East and the West were rendered desolate; Germany ingloriously lost one of its greatest emperors, and France and England the flower of their chivalry. Their only gain was the capture of Acre! 

On the departure of Richard, Saladin rested a while at Jerusalem and then proceeded with an escort of cavalry to the sea-coast to examine the state of the maritime fortresses and to put them in repair. At Jerusalem he built a hospital and college under the direction of his secretary and biographer. He then returned to Damascus and remained with his family until his death on Wednesday, the 27th of Safar, 589 a.h. "The day of his death," says a Moslem writer, "was, for Islam and the Mussulmans, a misfortune such as they never suffered since they were deprived of the first four Caliphs. The palace, the empire, and the world were overwhelmed with grief, the whole city was plunged in sorrow, and followed his bier weeping and crying." 

Thus died one of the greatest and most chivalrous monarchs the world has produced. Before his death he distributed large sums in charity among the poor, irrespective of any distinction of creed. The messenger who took the news of Saladin's death to Bagdad arrived there with the Sultan's coat of mail, his charger and one dinar and thirty-six dirhems, which was all the property he left. His character can be judged by the accounts of his contemporaries, who describe him as tender-hearted, kind, condescending and affable, full of patience and indulgence. "He befriended the learned and the virtuous, admitted them into his society, and treated them with beneficence." No man with any talent ever left his court without some mark of recognition. He covered his empire with colleges and hospitals. The Sultan's vizier, al-Kazi ul-Fazil, who held office under three sovereigns of the Ayubide dynasty, vied with his master in the patronage of learning and arts. Saladin's council was composed not only of warriors like Karakush, Husam ud-din, Mashtub, but men of letters like the Kazi, the Katib Imad ud-din, surnamed Aluh (the Eagle), who was the Sultan's Secretary of State, the jurist al-Hakkari, who often exchanged the flowing robes of his profession for a soldier's uniform, and many others.