Sunday, 13 September 2015

A Short History of Saracens:Chapter XXXII


The Idrisides— The Aghlabides— Invasion of Sicily— Its Conquest —The fall of the Aghlabides — The rise of the Fatimides — Conquest of Egypt — Foundation of Cairo — Conquest of Syria, Hijaz, and Yemen —Decline of the Fatimides— The end of the dynasty— Cairo— The Grand Lodge of the Ismailias. 

Up to the time of Mahdi, the third Caliph of the House of Abbas, the whole of the African possessions acknowledged the Abbasside sovereignty. In the reign of Hadi, Idris, a descendant of Hassan I., escaped into Western Mauritania, and there, with the assistance of the Berber tribes, who accepted him as their chief and Idrisides Imam, established a powerful kingdom, which for a long time flourished in Northern Africa. He built the city of Fez, and made it his capital; under his enlightened administration it soon became a famous seat of culture and learning. He is said to have been poisoned by an emissary of the Abbassides, and was succeeded on the throne by his infant son, also called Idris, under the regency of the mother and the Vizier Ghalib. Idris-II proved himself a great warrior, and made large conquests towards the south. Ibn Khaldiln says, "The rule of the Abbassides was at this time effaced in the (Mauritania) from Sus ul-Aksa to Shilf (Silves)." On his death in 213 a.h. his son Mohammed became Caliph. His policy of entrusting the provincial governorships to the members of his family appears to have succeeded admirably with one exception, for his brothers whom he apponited as governors remamed loyal to the end. 

Mohammed died in 221 a.h., and was succeeded by his son Ali, who was only nine years of age at the time. His accession was loyally accepted by all his subjects, and the government was conducted with such success by faithful servants of his father that the historian observes, "his reign was extremely prosperous." On his death without issue in the twenty-second year of his age, his brother Yahya bin Mohammed was raised to the throne. During his long reign, he extended his power in all directions, and the kingdom advanced in wealth and prosperity. He enlarged and embellished Fez to which peopled flocked from all directions. 
Yahya died in 264 a.h., and was succeeded by his son also named Yahya. His oppression led to a revolt, in which he was expelled from the kingdom. He fled to Spain, where he died. 

Upon the dethronement of Yahya II., his cousin, Ali bin Omar made himself master of the capital. He did not, however, remain long in possession or Fez, as a Khariji rising compelled him to take shelter in Spain. On the flight of Ali the people of Fez proclaimed a grandson of Idris II. named Yahya their Imam and Caliph. He was a scholar and jurist, and well-versed in traditions. He succeeded for a time in reducing under his power the whole of the old Idriside possessions. His rule, however, came to an abrupt end in 309 a.h., for in that year he was driven out of his kingdom by the Fatimide Governor of Miknasa. He then retired into the private life, and lived at Mahdieh until his death in 331 A.H. 

With the. fall of Yahya III. ended the Idriside Caliphate. The various princes of this dynasty possessed themselves of the outlying provinces, and assumed the kingly title. In 319 a.h. Abdur Rahman III. (an-Nasir) sent an expedition into Africa; a large part of Mauritania was annexed, and many of the Idriside princes were deported to Cordova. Western Morocco then fell into the hands of the Spanish Caliphs, whilst the east acknowledged the sway of the Fatimides. 

It is already mentioned how in the year 184 a.h. Ifrikia became an autonomous principality. The first prince of this dynasty was Ibrahim bin Aghlab, a man of great administrative talent and energy of character. He founded in the vicinity of Kairowan, a new city, which he named Abbasieh, and made it the seat of his government. He reigned for over twelve years, and was succeeded by his son Abdullah. In his time there was no war or disturbance of any kind; the principality enjoyed perfect peace, and the people prospered and grew rich. He died in 201 a.h., and was succeeded by his brother, Ziadatullah. He is described as a prince of great talent and ambition, and a distinguished patron of arts and learning, but with a haughty and reckless temper, which gave rise to a violent insurrection. After a protracted struggle the rebels were finally defeated, and peace was restored in the country in 208 A.H.,or 209 A.H. 

The Arabs had long possessed a settlement in the south of Sicily. The systematic subjugation of the island was undertaken under this Aghlabide sovereign. In 212 A.H. he despatched into Sicily a large force under Asad bin Furat, the Kazi of Kairowan. The primary cause of this invasion is somewhat differently given by the Arab and Christian historians. The latter say that a Byzantine youth, Euphemius, who had stolen a too willing nun from her cloister, was sentenced by the emperor to the amputation of his tongue. He fled to the Saracens of Ifrikia, and induced them to send into the island the expedition which eventually brought the whole of Sicily into Arab power. 

The Arab historians mention nothing about the nun. "The emperor of the Romans, who lived at Constantinople, Kustuntunieh," says Ibn ul-Athir, "sent in the year 211 a.h. a patrician, Constantine, as governor of Sicily. Constantine appointed a Roman of the name of Fimi (Euphemius), a brave and wise soldier, to the command of the fleet, and he invaded Ifrikia, and did great damage to the Moslems. In the meantime Constantine received orders from the emperor to throw Fimi into prison and subject him to torture." Fimi, on hearing this, rose in arms, drove Constantine into Catania (Katania), and proclaimed himself King of Sicily. War then broke out between Fimi and his lieutenant, Balata, who was assisted by Michael (Mikhail), governor of Palermo. Fimi suffered a heavy defeat at the hands of Balata, who made himself master of Syracuse (Sarakusa). Fimi thereupon invoked the assistance of Ziadatullah Aghlab, offering him the sovereignty of Sicily. 

This brilliant offer induced Ziadatullah to send an army into Sicily. The Saracens landed Sicily, in the Rabi I. of 212 a.h., at a place called Mazura (Mazar of the Arabs). Balata, Fimi's enemy and rival, met them here, and suffered a sanguinary defeat. He fled to Calabria (Kalluria), where he died shortly after. The Moslems rapidly reduced into their power a great many fortresses in the island. Syracuse was besieged, but a pestilence, which broke out in the Saracen camp, carried away Asad and a large number of his troops, and Mohammed bin Abi'l Jawari, Asad's successor, was forced by the Byzantine army sent for the relief of Syracuse to raise the siege. The Moslems succeeded, however, In capturing Mineo (Minao) and Girgenteo (Jurjunt), where they placed strong garrisons. At Kasr Ianna (modern Castrogiovanni) they lost their ally Fimi, who was treacherously murdered by the inhabitants of the place. Mohammed bin Abi'l Jawari dying shortly after, the command was assumed by Zuhair bin Ghous. The Byzantines, who had, in the meantime, been largely reinforced from Constantinople, now made a supreme effort to drive the invaders from the Island. The Saracens were besieged in Mineo, which was reduced to dire straits. Luckily reinforcements arrived for them from Spain as well as Africa. The Byzantines fell back upon Syracuse, and the Saracens again assumed the offensive. 

In the Rajab of 216 a.h.'* Palermo, the capital, capitulated on favourable terms. "The occupation of Palermo was, in truth, the beginning of that of the Island." Although a great part of the country had submitted to the Arab rule, systematic administration was not introduced until the arrival of Abul Aghlab Ibrahim bin Abdullah a kinsman of Ziadutullah, as the civil and military governor of Sicily. Under him the districts in the neighbourhood of Mount Etna ("the Mountain of Fire") were brought subjection. 

Ziadatullah died in the year 223 of the Hegira, and was succeeded by his brother Abu Ikal Aghlab. His reign was prosperous and successful. Reinforcements were sent to Sicily, and the work of conquest in that direction proceeded apace. The Saracens about this time made a descent into Southern Italy, and captured several strong places on the Calabrian coast. 

Aghlab died in 226 a.h., after a short reign of two years and seven months, and was succeeded by his son Abul Abbas Mohammed. He was a great builder, and wise administrator. In the year 228 a.h. Fazl bin Jaafar Hamdani, the of lieutenant of the viceroy of Sicily, landed an expedition into Messina (Messin). Assisted from Naples, Messina resisted the Saracenic attack for two years but in the end capitulated and received generous terms. In the year 232 a.h. Fazl captured the city of Lentini, and carried his victorious arms far into the mainland (Arz ul-Kubra). Calabria and Campania were overrun, and a hundred and fifty towns either reduced or laid under contribution. An Arab fleet sailed up the Tiber, plundered Fundi, and the suburbs of Rome, and laid siege to Gaeta, but the capital was saved by the internal divisions of the Arabs. In 233 a.h. the Saracens took up their "abode" in the city of Tarant (Taranto). In 234 A.H. they obtained the submission of Ragusa (Raghlis). In 235 A.H. they renewed their attack on Rome. A sudden and fearful tempest "which confounded the skill and courage of the stoutest mariners" came to the rescue of the Pope (Leo IV.). The Saracen fleet was dashed to pieces among the rocks and islands of a hostile shore. 

The viceroy Ibn Abdullah died in Rajab 236 a.h. at Palermo. The Arab colonists thereupon elected Abbas the son of Fazl as their commander, and their election was confirmed by the sovereign of Ifrikia. Abbas continued vigorously the work of conquest in Sicily as well as on the mainland. In 239 and 240 a.h. Catania, Caltavuturo (Kalat Abi-Sur), and several other places were reduced in rapid succession. 

Abbas, the governor of Sicily, died in 247 a.h., and the colonists thereupon elected in his place his son Abdullah, and their choice was confirmed by the Aghlabide prince Abu Ibrahim. Some time after he was replaced by Khafaja bin Sufian. In 250 a.h. the Moslems took possession of the ancient and important city of Noto (Notos), and in the course of the next few years reduced Syracuse, which had hitherto resisted their arms, Abba, Satas, and Castelnuovo (Kasr ul-jadid). In 869 a.c (254 A.H.) Khufaja's son Mohammed again besieged Gaeta and laid the suburbs of Rome under contribution. Khufaja died in 255 a.h., and was succeeded in the governorship by his son Mohammed. During his tenure of office Malta was captured by a fleet under Ahmed bin Omar. Mohammed the son of Khufaja was assassinated in his palace on the 3rd of Rajab 257 a.h. 

To maintain the continuity of the narrative relating to Sicily I have had to anticipate the history of the Ifrikian principality. Abu'l Abbas Mohammed died in 242 A.H. He was succeeded by his son Abu Ibrahim Ahmed. Under his rule peace reigned throughout the principality; and there were no disturbances. He treated his subjects and they were happy and prosperous. He built ten thousand forts and outposts made of "stone, brick, and mortar," to protect the country against the inroads of the enemy. Abu Ibrahim Ahmed died in 249 a.h. when his brother, Abu Mohammad Ziadatullah ascended the throne and "walked in the footsteps of his ancestors," but reigned barely eighteen months before he died. His brother Abu Abdullah Mohammed was then raised to the throne. Ibn ul-Athir says he was a learned, wise, and endowed with good qualities. In his rule Byzantines recovered some of their lost possessions in Sicily. Mohammed thereupon built a number of fortresses and outposts to keep them in check. He is said to also have made some conquests on the mainland. Abu Abdullah Mohammed died in 261 a.h., and was succeeded by his brother Ibrahim. 

In the beginning of his reign he distinguished himself justice and benevolence towards his subjects, but towards the end developed a ferocious homicidal mania of which led him to slaughter even his own children. The account of his atrocities roused the anger of the Caliph Mutazid, who sent a peremptory order deposing Ibrahim from his government. His son Abu'l Abbas Abdullah, was appointed by the Caliph to the government of Ifrikia. Ibrahim put on the garment of a hermit, set free the crowds of captives whom he had thrown into prison, and crossed over to Sicily to fight the Byzantines. Here he died shortly after. 

Abu'l Abbas Abdullah was a kind-hearted and just sovereign, and skilled both in war and in the administration of affairs. But he was assassinated in his sleep by of some of his slaves, at the instigation of his own son, 289 a.h. Abu Mozar (Modhar) Ziadatullah. The parricide was the last of his family who reigned over Ifrikia. After executing the slaves whom he had employed to murder his father, he abandoned himself to debauchery and "the company of buffoons and clowns," and the principality was allowed to drift to ruin. In the meantime a revolution was taking place in Northern Africa, which altered the entire aspect of affairs. 

The schism that occurred among the Shiahs on the decease of the apostolical Imam Jaafar has already been of the described. The majority accepted the Imamate of Musa (al-Kazim) whom the Imam had, upon the death of his eldest son Ismail, named as his successor, whilst the rest gave their adhesion to Ismail's son Mohammed, surnamed al-Maktum (the concealed or unrevealed). The The Ismailias, as they were henceforth called, in the course of time amalgamated with their doctrines many esoteric motions borrowed from the philosophy of Mani (Manes). Some of them were decidedly Manichsean in their views, and considered the hidden meaning in words as of more importance than the positive law, and, differing from the general body of Moslems, believed in justification by faith and not by work. This extreme section of the Ismailias received the name of Esoterician (Batinia). So long as they believed implicitly in their Imams, it was not necessary for their future welfare to act in accordance with the dictates of religion. The Karamita (the Carmathians) and the Assassins who afterwards wreaked hevoc on Islamic dominions were the two offshoots of this sect. 

Mohammed al-Maktum was succeeded in the Ismailia Imamate by his son Jaafar, surnamed al-Mussadak (the Veracious). Upon his death his son Mohammed, who bore the title of al-Habib (the Friend), became their Imam. He was a man of great ability and ambition, and closely resembled in character the other Mohammed, the father of Saffah and Mansur. He lived at a place called Salamieh, near Hems (Emessa), and from here he sent out missionaries (dais) in all directions to enlist adherents and diffuse the Ismailia cult. The doctrines of his sect thus spread rapidly m Yemen, Yemama, Bahrain, Sind, India, Egypt, and Northern Africa. One of his most zealous and indefatigable missionaries was Abu Abdullah Hussain, at one time Muhtasib of Busorah who afterwards became famous under the designation of the Shiah. In the year 288 a.h. Abu Abdullah proceeded to Africa, and by his wonderful preaching and force of character, which, joined to his piety and asceticism, gave him great influence among the impressionable Berbers, he soon secured the adhesion of the powerful tribe of Kitama to the Imamate of the Ahl ul-Bait. At this time Ibrahim bin Mohammed was the ruler of Ifrikia; and he tried to suppress the Ismailite movement. Abu Abdullah, however, surmounted every difficulty, and the accession of the incompetent Ziadatullah paved his way to success. Whilst the Aghlabide was "lying immersed in pleasure in Rakkada, Abu Abdullah's power waxed in the country, and his missionaries announced to the inhabitants the immediate advent of the Mahdi." Two armies sent by Ziadatullah to oppose the Shiah suffered ignominious defeats. ZiadatuUah then fled to Tripoli, and from there to Asia. 

Abu Abdullah made his triumphal entry into the capital of the Aghlabides on Saturday the 1st of Rajab, 296 A.H. Governors were at once despatched throughout the province to assume charge of the cities and preserve order. The wise and merciful policy inaugurated by Abu Abdullah had the effect of conciliating public opinion, and preparing the people to give a hearty and loyal welcome to the master in whose name the conquest was made. Mohammed al-Habib died towards the close of the third century of the Hegira, leaving the Imamate to his son Obaidullah. "You are the Mahdi," said the dying caliph "after my death you will have to fly to a far of the country, where you will meet with severe trials." Obaidullah however, abode quietly at Salamieh, until the Shiah, having brought the tribe of Kitama absolutely under his influence, sent messengers to the Mahdi, imploring him to come to Africa and place himself at the head of the movement. Obaidullah started at once with his son Abu'l Kasim, Abu'l Abbas (a brother of the Shiah), and a few devoted followers, all disguised as merchants. 

In spite of the strict secrecy observed by Abu Abdullah in his communications with the Mahdi, the Abbassides got wind of Obaidullah's flight from Salamieh. The Caliph Muktafi distributed throughout the provinces of the empire a description of the fugitive, with orders to seize and imprison any one answering to it. At Tripoli Abu'l Abbas left the Mahdi's party and proceeded to Kairowan. Here he was discovered and thrown into a dungeon, Obaidullah and his son succeeded in evading pursuit or discovery, and in 296 a.h. reached beautiful city on the southern slope of the Grand Atlas, then the capital of the Banu Midrar. Here their luck deserted them. At this time Sijilmasseh was ruled by a Berber prince named Elisaa bin Midrar, who at first received them kindly; but on receipt of a letter from Ziadatullah, threw them into prison. The Shiah, however, was soon afoot with a great army. After releasing his brother Abu'l Abbas from ZiadatuUah's dungeon at Kairowan, he marched against Elisaa, who was defeated and slain. Abu Abdullah then hurried to the prison where the Mahdi and his son lay confined. Placing father and son on horseback, and himself proceeding on foot in front of them, accompanied by all the chiefs of the Kitama, he conducted them to the camp, "shedding tears of joy as he went, and calling out to the people who thronged the streets, 'Behold your master.'" They remained forty days at Sijilmasseh, and then came to Rakkada, where the people of Kairowan took the oath of allegiance to the Mahdi as the Caliph. His rule was now established throughout Ifrikia, and the people with few exceptions acknowledged his authority. Walis were appointed to the government of the different provinces, including Sicily, and efforts were made to repair the ravages of war. 

The vigour with which Obaidullah applied himself to the task of government aroused the animosity of Abu'l Abbas, the brother of Abu Abdullah, who had hoped to find in the Mahdi only a roi faineant. Chafing under the loss of power, he entered into a conspiracy with some of the chiefs of the Kitama for overthrowing the Fatimide Caliph. Abu'l Abbas even drew the hitherto faithful Abu Abdullah into his mischievous toils. The Mahdi made every effort to conciliate the two brothers. His endeavours were met by a stubborn refusal. The discovery of a plot for his assassination determined the Mahdi to put them to death, and they were accordingly of executed in their place. The death of the king-maker did not stop the work of conquest, and Obaidullah succeeded in bringing under his sway the greater part of tract stretched from the Libyan Desert to Western Mauritania. In spite of all his efforts to maintain discipline and prevent excesses of the ferocious Berbers, who formed the bulk of his army, committed great atrocities in the course of his wars, which gave rise to a fierce revolt in the succeeding reign. 

The Mahdi saw that he must have a strongly fortified capital in case of any sudden outburst against his dynasty. Setting out from Tunis he inspected the entire sea-coast to choose an impregnable site, and at last fixed upon a slip of land jutting out into the sea. Here the city of Mahdieh was begun in 303 A.H., and completed in five years. A strong wall, with gates of iron, enclosed it; and within were built splendid marble palaces, and vast tanks and underground store-houses, which were filled with provisions. "I am now at ease," said Obaidullah, when he saw the finished city, "regarding the [fate of the] Fawatim (the Fatimides)," Obaidullah's rule was firm and vigorous. Even the orthodox Suyuti admits that "Obaidullah extended justice and beneficence to the people, and they inclined towards him." In 309 a.h. he reduced the Idrisides to subjection, but failed to conquer Egypt. Not satisfied with the possession of Mauritania, he cast longing eyes on Spain, when death put an end to his dreams. 

After a successful reign of twenty-four years, Obaidullah al-Mahdi died in 322 a.h., and was succeeded by his son Abu'l Kasim Mohammed Nizar, who assumed the title of al-Kaim bi-amr Illah. Kaim was a great warrior, and personally conducted most of his military operations. He was the first of the Fatimide Caliphs who, in order to obtain the command of the Mediterranean, applied himself to the creation of a powerful fleet. After re-establishing his authority in Mauritania, save and except the district of Fez, which had been recovered by the Idrisides, he turned his attention towards the continent of Europe. His ports had been harassed by Italian led pirates from the Italian coast, from Pisa and other places. In reprisal, Kaim overran Southern Italy as far as Gaeta; and his ships of war captured Genoa, which was held by the Saracens for a considerable time. A part of Lombardy (al-Ankaburda) was also brought into subjection. But for a domestic convulsion which taxed all his resources and military skill, there is little doubt that Kaim would have reduced Italy under his power. Unfortunately the pent-up wrath of the people at the excesses of the savage Berbers burst into a furious flame just at the moment when the prospects were most favourable. 

The revolt was headed by a Khariji named Abu Yezid Makhlad, son of Kirad, a school-master by profession, who had by his preachings collected a large following among the Berbers of Mount Auress. With political foresight unusual among fanatics, he invited the Spanish Caliph an-Nasir, to despoil the heretic and take his kingdom. In the year 333 of the Hegira, Abu Yezid, who received from his followers the title of Shaikh ul-Muslimin swept down from the mountains with an enormous horde of savages. The Fatimide troops were defeated again and again, city after city was taken by storm, and frightful atrocities were committed by the fanatics. Before long what the Mahdi had foreseen came to pass. The greater part of the country fell into the hands of the Khariji school-master, whilst the rule of Kaim was confined to the walls of Mahdieh and a few other fortified towns on the sea-coast. Abu Yezid tried to carry the capital by assault. Four times he delivered desperate attacks, and each time was repulsed with frightful slaughter. Turning the siege into a blockade, Abu Yezid proceeded towards Susa (Sus of the Arabs), which he tried to take by storm. 

Whilst Abu Yezid was laying siege to Susa, Kaim died. He was succeeded on the throne by his son Abu’t Tahir Ismail, surnamed al-Mansur bi-amr Illah a Young man of rare energy and determination. Step by step he beat back the fanatical horde. They had shown no pity on the hour of their success, and none was shown to them in the day of defeat. Those only who submitted received immediate pardon and absolute safety. Abu Yezid fled to Jabl Salat, a precipitous and inaccessible rock rising from a parched desert, which needed eleven days to traverse. Mansur pursued him with relentless fury, and at last cooped up the fanatic and his dwindled following in a castle among the mountains of the Kitama. 

The struggle round this place was long and terrible. Abu Yezid endeavoured to cut his way through the besiegers, but was captured and executed. Although the son of Abu Yezid and some of his adherents continued for a while to give trouble, practically the whole of Ifrikia again submitted to the Fatimide rule. Sicily and Calabria, where their authority had been hitherto only partially acknowledged by the Arab colonists, were brought under control. In 339 a.c. Mansur appointed Abu'l Kasim Hassan bin Ali bin Abi'l Hussain al-Kalbi as the viceroy of Sicily and its dependencies. The office remained in Hassan's family for a long time. The Franks, who had made an inroad into Calabria, were defeated in a naval action off the coast of Italy. Mauritania, however, was lost to Mansur, for Abu Yezid's revolt had enabled an-Nasir, the Ommeyade Caliph of Spain, to seize the whole of the Idriside possessions. 

Mansur died in 341 a.h,, when his son Abu Tamim Maad ascended the throne under the title of al-Muiz li-din Illah. Al-Muiz is described, even by historians inimical to his family, as a wise, energetic, and chivalrous sovereign, an accomplished scholar, well versed in science and philosophy, and a munificent patron of arts and learning. He was unquestionably the Mamun of the West, and under him North Africa attained the highest pitch of civilisation and prosperity. The people were contented and happy; internal dissensions and disturbances were repressed with vigour; the administration was placed on a systematic basis; rules were framed for the conduct of business; the provinces were divided into districts, which were entrusted to qualified officers who had under them a number of militia and regulars to maintain order. The army and fleet were re-organised, and a great impetus was given to commerce and industry. 

Humane in disposition, and gifted with wonderful tact and ability, he won the friendship, if not the attachment, of the chiefs who were most bitterly opposed to his father and grandfather. He received them with marked courtesy and kindness, and from enemies converted them into supporters. His General-in-Chief Jouhar recovered Mauritania from the hands of an-Nasir, who was just then engaged with the Christian insurgents in the North of Spain, whilst Ziri bin Manad, chief of the Sanhaja, crushed the malcontents in the districts of Oran and Bugia. "And the power of Muiz became firmly established in Ifrikia and Maghrib, and his dominion became extensive." In 344 a.h. the Andalusian ships captured a vessel of al-Muiz carrying dispatches to Maghrib. In his rage at the insult, the Fatimide Caliph ordered the Viceroy of Sicily, Hassan bin Ali, to proceed to Spain and lay waste the coast of Almeria. An-Nasir's captains retaliated by devastating the neighbourhood of Susa and Marsikhizr. Henceforth the two Moslem sovereigns, instead of joining their forces for the conquest of Europe, wasted their strength in warring upon each other. 

Crete had been conquered in the time of Mamun by the Saracens exiled from Cordova. They had held it since then; had introduced civilisation, arts, and industry, and made it prosperous and flourishing. In 350 a.h. the Byzantines made a supreme effort for its reconquest. A fleet consisting of seven hundred ships of war landed an overwhelming force; the Saracens were overpowered and destroyed. The atrocities committed by the Greeks beggar all description; men were tarred and then burnt alive; no mercy was shown even to the infant in arms, and the women were subjected to terrible outrages. 

The loss of Crete was in some measure compensated Final extermination of the Byzantine power in Sicily. They still held in the island several strong places whence they were accustomed to harass the Saracens. Ahmed bin Hassan, the viceroy, applied himself vigorously to the conquest of these cities. The army sent from Byzantine for the relief of the Greeks sustained a heavy defeat on land, and were forced to betake themselves to their ships. These slipped anchor and tried to escape, but were pursued, disastrously beaten, and sunk. By the end of 351 a.h. the whole island was brought into subjection. Sicily has never been so prosperous as under the Kalbite Ameers: mosques, colleges, and schools sprang up on all sides; learning and arts were patronised, and the people prospered. The university of medicine at Palermo rivalled those of Bagdad and Cordova. 

In 356 A.H. serious troubles broke out in Egypt, the notables of the province invited Muiz to take possession of the country, and to give them peace and order. In response to their solicitations Muiz despatched a well-appointed army under his lieutenant Jouhar. The Fatimide general entered the capital (Fostat) without opposition, and on the 15th of Shaban 358 a.h. and read the Khutba in the public mosque in the name of Muiz. In 359 A.H. he introduced in the call to prayers the additional sentence: "Hasten to good work." 
Jouhar inaugurated the Fatimide rule by founding al-Kahira (modern Cairo), which became later Cairo, the capital of Muiz and his successors. He also obtained the submission of Hijaz and Syria; and prayers were recited in the name of al-Muiz in the Holy Cities. The Karmathians, who were still levying blackmail from the Moslem princes within their reach, were crushed in a single battle near Fostat. Hitherto Muiz had remained in Ifrikia, but on the urgent solicitations of Jouhar he determined to proceed to Egypt. Before doing so he made a careful inspection of his ancestral kingdom. He appointed Bulukkin, the son of the faithful Ziri, to the viceroyalty of Ifrikia with the title of Saif ud-Dowla ("Sword of the Empire"); confirmed Ahmed in the government of Sicily, and made other arrangements for the safety and wise administration of Northern Africa. He then left for east in the Safar of 362 A.H. and entered Cairo during the Moslem Lent, and on the 15th Ramazan, seated on a throne of gold, received the oath of allegiance from the assembled delegates of Egypt, into Cairo. 

In spite of their defeat at the hands of Jouhar, the audacity of the Carmathians was still unbounded. They had hitherto levied blackmail from Damascus; the refusal of the Fatimide governor to continue the payment brought them in great force against him. He was defeated and slain, and the city fell into their hands. They then proceeded to invade Egypt, but were met by Muiz at Ain ush-Shams (Heliopolis) and routed with frightful slaughter. This defeat finally broke their power. Whilst the Fatimides were engaged with the Carmathians, a Turkish retainer of the Buyide Muiz ud-Dowla, named Iftikin, made himself master of Damascus and the surrounding country. 

Muiz died on Friday the 15th of Rabi II. 365 a.h., and was succeeded by his son Abu Mansur Nizar, who assumed the title of al-Aziz b'Illah. He is described as generous, brave, wise, and humane, "prone to forgiveness even with the power of punishing." He confirmed Bulukkin bin Ziri and the other officers of his father to their respective governments. Iftikin, who had attempted to extend his power in the direction of Palestine and Phoenician littoral, was defeated and taken prisoner. Aziz received him with such kindness that he became the faithful adherent of the Fatimide Caliph until his death. 

Under Aziz the Fatimides succeeded in conquering the whole of Syria and part of Mesopotamia, and the Khutba was read in his name not only in Hijaz and Yemen, but also in Mosul, Aleppo, Hamah, Shaizar, and other places. At this time the Fatimide Empire extended from the borders of the Euphrates to the Atlantic, and included the greater portion of Arabia. Hitherto the Kitamians, who had helped in the estabhshment of the dynasty, had supplied the most trusted soldiers of the Fatimides, and their power naturally was great. Aziz formed a corps of Turks and Persians (Deilemites) apparently as a counterpoise against the of Berbers. 

Aziz died in the year 386 of the Hegira at Bilbais, or Bilbis, on his way to Syria, and with him ended the glory of the Fatimides. He had on his deathbed confided his young son and heir Mansur to the chief Kazi Mohammed bin an-Noman and Abu Mohammed Hassan bin Ammar, surnamed Amin ud-Dowla ("warden of the empire"), in the hope that under their guidance the lad would prove himself a wise and successful ruler. Mansur was proclaimed Imam and Caliph, with the title of al-Hakim bi-amr-Illah but he soon fell under the influence of an unscrupulous intriguer named Barjawan. The latter was opposed by Ibn Ammar, and their quarrels and rivalry occasioned serious disturbances both in Syria and Egypt. Before long Hakim himself began to show signs of madness. He often issued strange and contradictory orders; the smallest neglect exposed the offender to the punishment of death. In time this mental aberration developed into homicidal mania, and he put to death without any reason a number of prominent men. 

Yet in his lucid moments he was a liberal and generous patron of learning and science, and built numerous mosques, colleges, and observatories both in Syria and Egypt. For five-and-twenty years Hakim occupied the throne of his forefathers in this insane manner, but fate at last overtook him. He was fond of solitude, and accustomed to wander about at night. Often he went to a lonesome house on the hill of Mokattam, "either to watch the stars," says Ibn Khaldun, "or to offer his devotions." One night, the night of the 27th of Shawwal, 411 A.H., he had as usual gone therewith two attendants, whom, however, he dismissed at the foot of the hill. From this visit to Mokattam he never returned. His prolonged absence caused alarm, and a search party was was sent out to scour the country. On the top of the hill they found the pony he had ridden with its forelegs hacked by a sword, and in a cistern not far off his clothes pierced by daggers, still buttoned up, but the body was never discovered. No doubt whatever remained that he had been assassinated. 

Hakim was actually the founder of a new cult, in which he occupied the central figure, and was regarded as the emanation of the Deity. His followers and disciples believed him to have only disappeared from the earth to appear again in the fulness of time, or to use their own expression, "when it shall please him." This cult is still extant among the Druses of the Lebanon. 

Hakim's son, Abu Hashim Ali, was then raised to the throne under the title of Az-Zahir li Izaz din-Illah. For the first four years his aunt, Sitt ul-Mulk, held the Az-Zahir regency. After her death the government was carried by Mizad and Nafir, who had been officials under Hakim. In this reign the greater portion of Syria escaped from the hands of the Fatimides; and an Arab chief of the name of Saleh bin Mirdas made himself master of Aleppo and the surrounding districts. 

Zahir died in the thirty-first year of his age and the sixteenth of his reign, and was succeeded by his son Abu Tamim Maad, under the title of al-Mustansir b'Illah. He was only seven years of age, and the government fell into the hands of a number of intriguers, under whose mismanagement the empire rapidly declined in strength and prosperity. In 1047 a.c. the Holy Cities disclaimed allegiance to the Fatimide Caliph; and five years later the Ziride prince of Ifrikia, al-Muiz bin Badis, who bore the title Sharf ud-Dowla threw off the Fatimide yoke, discontinued the Khutba in the name of Mustansir, and acknowledged the Abbasside sovereign al-Kaim as the Pontiff of Islam. The rebellion of Bassasiri and the flight of Kaim from Bagdad created a diversion in favour of Mustansir; and for a whole year the Khutba was read in his name in Irak and its dependencies. But Tughril soon restored the spiritual supremacy of the Abbasside Caliph in Western Asia; and under Alp Arslan, Tughril's successor, the Seljuks drove the Fatimides beyond al- Aarish. To add to the misfortunes of the people, a terrible famine desolated Egypt, and continued, says our author, for seven years. The administration became completely paralysed, and a great part of the country was deserted or ruined. During the height of the distress Mustansir called to his help the famous Badr ul-Jamali, governor of Acre, and invested him with absolute control. Badr ul-Jamali proved a second Joseph to the Fatimide Pharaoh. He restored order in the kingdom, relieved the people, and re-established the authority of the sovereign throughout Egypt. He failed in his attempts to recover Damascus, but succeeded in recapturing the cities of the Phoenician coast. Badr ul-Jamali died in the year 1094 A.C., and was followed a month later by the master who had experienced so much adversity in his life, "that at one time" says Ibn ul-Athir, "there was nothing left to him but the prayer-mat on which he was seated." 

Mustansir had nominated his eldest son Nizar as his successor to the throne. But al-Afzal, the son of Badr ul-Jamali, who had succeeded to the office held by his father, raised to the throne a younger brother of Nizar named Abu’l Kasim Ahmed, under the title of al-Mustaali b’lllah. Nizar fled to the governor of Alexandria, who proclaimed him Caliph. Both were defeated and taken prisoner by Afzal. The governor was publicly put to death, whilst nobody knew the fate of Nizar. Jerusalem, which had been held by the Banu-Ortok under the Seljukide sovereign of Damascus, was recaptured by al-Afzal in 1096 A.c. But he did not hold it long, for crusading storm soon burst upon Syria and Palestine, and swept away both Seljukide and Fatimide. 

Mustaali died in the Safar of 495 a.h., when al-Afzal, the master of the Fatimide kingdom, raised to the throne the deceased Caliph's infant son Abu Ali al-Mansur under the title of al-Aamir bi-ahkam Illah. Afzal governed the empire with absolute power until Aamir attained majority, and his rule seems to have been on the whole successful and prosperous. In spite of some successes gained by the Egyptians under Afzal's son, Sharf ul-Maali, over the Crusaders, the cities on the Phoenician littoral, which only a short time before had been reconquered by Badr ul-Jamali, fell gradually into power of the Crusaders. The sack of Tripoli has already been described. "The Egyptian troops sent to the relief of the place arrived when all was lost!" 

When Aamir attained majority he proved himself a vicious and evil-minded young man, addicted to low pleasures, tyrannical, haughty, and inconsiderate; chafing under the tutelage of his all-powerful vizier, he contrived to have him murdered. Nine years later the same fate overtook him; on his way to a garden "on the island" he was attacked and stabbed to death by a number of Fedais (assassins), who had plotted his murder. 

As Aamir's queen was expecting a child, his cousin Abu'l Maimun Abd ul-Majid undertook the regency under the title of al-Hafiz li-din Illah until the birth of the heir to the throne. The child, however, happened to be a girl; Hafiz was then proclaimed in his own right Caliph and Imam of the Fatimides. Shortly after the people had sworn allegiance to him he was deposed and placed in confinement by the vizier Abu Ali Ahmed, the son of al-Afzal, a man of great ability and towering ambition. He was a follower of the Apostolical Imams; and partly in furtherance of his own designs to become the absolute ruler of Egypt, and partly under the influence of his sectarian predilections, he substituted the name of the last Imam, the unfortunate child who disappeared in the cave of Samarra, on the coinage and in the prayers. This continued for a time, but Hafiz plotted from his prison the vizier's death; and on the 15th of Moharram 526 A.H., he was attacked and killed in the Great Garden (al-Bustan ul-Kahir) outside the capital. 

Upon Ahmed's death Hafiz was re-instated on the throne; but his restoration was of no advantage to the state, for, without any strength of character, he proved a mere tool in the hands of his vizier, the Ameer ul-Juyush Yanis al-Hafizi, "a fearful man, and great in wickedness," although far-sighted. Yanis was assassinated at the instance, it is said, of Hafiz in the month of Zu'l Hijja of 526 a.h. Hafiz then appointed an Armenian of the name of Bihram as his vizier. The rivalry between Bihram and Rizwan, one of the principal secretaries of state, plunged the country into internecine strife and warfare. Bihram was seized and imprisoned by Hafiz, when Rizwan became vizier. He also rose in arms against his sovereign, but lost his life in the struggle. The conduct of these officers determined Hafiz to keep all the power in his own hands and not to have any vizier in future. And this resolve he maintained up to his death. 

Hafiz died in 1149 a.c. His last days were darkened by the gloom of intestine dissensions within the capital. During the whole of his reign, says Ibn ul-Athir, he was subject to the influence of those who surrounded him, especially his viziers. 

Hafiz was succeeded by his son Abu Mansur Ismail, under the title of az-Zafir bi-amr'-Illah. Addicted to pleasure of all kinds, and passing his time with unworthy favourites, he was a mere cypher in the state; and all power and influence fell into the hands of the vizier Abu'l Hasan Ali ibn us-Salar. Ibn us-Salar was assassinated in 1153 a.c. by his stepson Abbas, who then became the vizier of Zafir. The position occupied by the Egyptian Caliphs at this time is graphically described by Ibn ul-Athir. "In Egypt the vizierate belonged to him who had force under his command; the Caliphs were powerless; the viziers were like kings; no one obtained the vizierate (in Egypt) after al-Afzal except by war and murder and such like (crimes)." The authority of the Caliph hardly extended beyond the limits of his own palace. In the pages of Osama we see pictured the same symptoms of decadence that he saw in the kingdom of Jerusalem. The revolts, the rivalries, the plots and counterplots, the anarchy that had transformed Cairo into a field of battle given up to the violence of factions, foretold an early dissolution. Up to this time the Egyptians had managed to hold Ascalon, but the dissensions which broke out in Egypt on the 548 a.h. murder of Ibn us-Salar gave to the Crusaders the opportunity of reducing that important city. 

In the month of Moharram 549 a.h., Zafir was assassinated by Nasr the son of Abbas. In order to divert suspicion from himself and his son, the treacherous and cruel vizier put to death az-Zafir's brothers, Jibrail and Yusuf, on the false charge of having murdered the Caliph. He then placed on the throne Abu’l Kasim Isa, the infant son of Zafir, under the title of al-Faiz ba-nasr Illah, and attempted to rule the kingdom as its absolute master. But the punishment of his crime was not long in coming. The sisters of Zafir soon discovered the truth. They cut off their hair and sent it in a letter in deep black to Talaii bin Ruzzik, governor of Upper Egypt, invoking his help to avenge the murder of Zafir. Talaii marched upon Cairo with a large body of soldiers and a troop of nomadic Arabs all in mourning. Abbas and Nasr, deserted by the army, fled with all their treasure towards Syria. They were accompanied by Ameer Osama and a large following. The sisters of az-Zafir had, in the meantime, written to the Crusaders at Ascalon, offering them a large sum of money to intercept Abbas and his son. Incited by the promised reward, the Franks sallied from the castle to meet the fugitives; in the fight which ensued Abbas was killed with a number of his followers, and Nasr was taken prisoner. The Franks then put Nasr into an iron cage and sent him to Cairo, where, after being cruelly tortured, he was impaled on a cross. Talaii then assumed the vizierate with the title of al-Malik us-Saleh, and took charge of the infant Caliph. 

Al-Faiz died before attaining his majority. The vizier, instead of proclaiming any of the adult members of the royal family, who were numerous and able, selected the infant son of Yusuf, the brother of Zafir, for the dignity of Caliph. The child's name was, Abu Mohammed Abdullah Ali, and he was placed on the throne with the title of al-Aazid li-din-Illah. As-Saleh continued to exercise absolute authority, and his conduct grew gradually most violent. As-Saleh was assassinated by a palace conspiracy according to Ibn Khaldun, or by a Batinia according to Makrisi, in 1161 a.c. His son Ruzzik then became the vizier with the title of al-Malik ul-Aadil, but he was soon displaced by Shawer as-Saadi, who was driven out by Zirgham, an Arab, descended from Munzirs of ancient Hira, who held the office of Sahib ul- Bab, a position similar to that of the Hajib in the Abbasside court. Shawer fled to Nur ud-din Mahmud at Damascus, and returned with assistance from the son of Zangi. Zirgham was killed in a battle between his troops and the Syrians, and Shawer again assumed the vizierate. The rest of the story of the Fatimides has already been told.  Al-Aazid died in 1171 a.c, and with him ended the dynasty founded by ObaiduUah al-Mahdi. 

The circuit of Cairo was traced by Jouhar on the Jamadi II. 359 a.h. (May 14, 969 a.c), and the walls were completed before the arrival of al-Muiz. Magnificent structures rapidly sprang up on all sides, giving to Cairo "the victorious city " a most imposing appearance. It was traversed by numerous roads and streets; the former leading into the suburbs were called Harat whilst the latter apparently ended within the walls, and were designated Akhtat. The Caliph's principal palace, composed of twelve pavilions, was situated in the eastern part of Cairo, and was called al-Kasr ul-Kabir ush-Sharki (the grand eastern palace), or Kasr ul-Muizi (the Palace of Muiz). Ten gates gave access to the Palace, which was guarded by a select body of troops, composed of five hundred foot-soldiers and an equal number of mounted men. Twelve thousand servants ministered to the wants of the inmates. A subterranean passage led to another magnificent palace, which was situated on the Nile in the western part of the city, and was called Kasr ul-Gharbi (the Western Palace), or Kasr ul-Bahr (Maritime Palace). There were other palaces and villas belonging to the Caliph both in the suburbs and the city, lavishly decorated by the best artists of the time. The mansions of the Ameers vied in splendour, although not in size or extent, with those of the sovereigns. Beautiful gardens surrounded the houses of the rich and opulent citizens. The number of these gardens and the magnificence of the houses seem to have struck with surprise travellers from Europe who visited Cairo so late as the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries of the Christian era. Mosques, colleges, hospitals, and caravanserais of immense size adorned the city. 

The four cathedral mosques:(1) Al-Jamaa ul-Azhar (the Brilliant Mosque);(2) al-Jamaa un-Nur (the Mosque of Light);(3) Jamaa ul-Hakim (the mosque of Hakim bi-amr Illah); and (4) Jamaa ul-Muiz (the mosque of Muiz), were specially grand and beautiful. One special feature of Cairo under the Fatimides was the Hussainieh, a building where, on the anniversary of the murder of the martyr Hussain on the field of Kerbela, they held meetings of mourning. Finely-built public baths were to be found in large numbers in every part of the town both for men and women. Those set apart for the latter were easily distinguishable from the others by their ornamentation. The markets, which contained twenty thousand shops, were superb, and stocked with the products of the world. The city was surrounded by a strong wall pierced by several gates. Among out-door amusements, falconry and the hunting of antelopes and deer of all kinds, generally with hounds, formed the principal pastime of the rich, whilst the riverside fellaheen often engaged in the pursuit of the hippopotami. 

The administration was conducted on lines similar to those of the Abbassides, although some of the offices bore different names. The most important difference between the two systems of government was the preponderating influence possessed in Egypt by the military commander, the Ameer ul-Juyush, who combined in his person the office of vizier as well as of commander-in- chief of the forces, and who, under the weaker monarchs of the Fatimide dynasty, effaced the personality of the sovereign. Under the first ten Caliphs, however, they fulfilled the ordinary functions of their office. The decline of the Fatimides began in the reign of Mustansir. From his time intrigue took the place of statesmanship. Character and moral worth were regarded of little moment; "political services" opened the door to honour and preferment; the scholar made room for the spy and the pander; the honest, independent and loyal for the sycophant and parasite. The rulers tried to govern by disintegrating the people and creating factions; their attempts only recoiled on themselves with deadly effect. 

The early Fatimides, like their ancient prototypes the first Ptolemies, were grand supporters of learning and science. They established colleges, public libraries, and scientific institutes (Dar ul-hikmat), richly supplied with books and mathematical instruments, and a large professorial staff. Access to and the use of these literary treasures were free to all, and writing materials were afforded gratis. The Caliphs frequently held learned disputations, at which the professors of these academies appeared, divided according to their different faculties, logicians, mathematicians, jurists, and physicians, dressed in their Khalaa, or doctoral mantles. Two hundred and fifty-seven thousand ducats, raised by a carefully regulated taxation, constituted the annual revenue of the colleges, and was employed for paying the salaries of the professors and officials, and providing the requisites for teaching, and other objects of public scientific instruction. In these institutes they taught every branch of human knowledge. Observatories for the cultivation of astronomy were erected in various places; and litterateurs and scientists were invited from Asia and Spain to give lustre to the reigns of these Moslem Pharaohs. 

No history of the Fatimides can be complete without some mention of the extraordinary propaganda established by them, for in their desire to promote the diffusion of knowledge among their subjects, they did not ignore the political advantages of obtaining proselytes to their sect. To the central Dar ul-hikmat "House of Science " was attached a Grand Lodge, where the candidates for initiation into the esoteric doctrines of Ismailism were instructed in the articles of the faith. Twice a week, every Monday and Wednesday, the Dai ud-Daawat, the Grand Prior of the Lodge, convened meetings, which were frequented by both men and women, dressed in white, occupying separate seats. These assemblages were named Majalis ul-hikmat or "philosophical conferences." Before the initiation the Dai ud-Dawaat waited on the Imam (the Caliph), the Grand Master, and read to him the discourse he proposed to deliver to the neophytes, and received his sign-manual on the cover of the manuscript. After the lecture the pupils kissed the hands of the Grand Prior, and reverently touched the signature of the Master with their foreheads. Makrisi's account of the different degrees of initiation adopted in this Lodge forms an invaluable record of freemasonry. In fact, the Lodge at Cairo became the model of all the Lodges created afterwards in Christendom. 

As a political factor, the Fatimide Dar ul-Hikmat came to an end with the dynasty to which it owed its origin; but its love of learning and science illumined the cities of Egypt until it died away under the anarchy of the later Mamlukes, whilst its esoteric spirit has survived the lapse of ages, and finds expression in countries and among communities widely differing from each other in instinct and genius. 



A Short History of Saracens:Chapter XXXI


The Kingdom of Granada — The city — The Alhambra — General life — Arts and learning in Granada — Dress — General Review of Spain under the Arabs — Government — The Functionaries — Economic condition — Manufactures — Agriculture— The fine arts — Learning — Position of women — The women scholars — Pastimes. 

The kingdom of Granada comprised those parts of Spain which lie in the south-eastern corner of the peninsula; and, in its most flourishing period, never exceeded seventy leagues in length from east to west, and twenty-five in breadth from north to south. Within this narrow circuit it contained all the physical resources of a great empire. Its broad valleys were intersected by mountains rich in mineral wealth, whose hardy population supplied the state with husbandmen and soldiers. Its pastures were fed by abundant streams, and its coasts were studded with commodious ports, the principal marts of the Mediterranean. It possessed thirty cities, eighty fortified towns, and several thousand walled townships and villages. The plain or Meadow (Ghotat) of Granada, now called the Vega de Granada, the arena of the death-struggle, covered a space of thirty leagues. 

Watered by the Shenil (Xenil), Daroh (Darro), and three other rivers issuing from the neighbouring mountains of the Jabal Shulair (Sierra Nevada), and studded in every direction with orchards, gardens, groves, palaces, mansions, villas, and vineyards, the Meadow presented a rare spectacle of luxuriance and beauty. Around the gardens lay fields clothed with perpetual verdure. The Arabs exhausted on the Vega all their elaborate powers of cultivation. They distributed the waters of the Xenil and Darro into numberless channels, and obtained by their skill and labour a succession of fruit and cereals throughout the year. They successfully cultivated products of the most opposite latitudes. Large quantities of silk and flax were exported from the ports of Almeria and Malaga to the Italian cities then rising into opulence. Their manufactures were varied and numerous, and each city was noted for a special industry. The ports of the Ahmarite kingdom swarmed with the shipping of Europe, Levant, and Africa, and its capital, as the chief centre of a remarkable commercial activity, had "become the common city of all nations." The citizens of Granada were universally reputed and honoured for their probity and trustworthiness, and their mere word was considered surer than the Christian Spaniard's document. Besides textile fabrics and precious metals they exported large quantities of raw produce, especially flax and silk. Florence derived her principal supply of this article from the ports of Almeria and Malaga. 

Granada, called by the Arabs Gharnata, stood "like a watch-tower" in the Meadow. It rested, as it does now, partly in the Vega and partly on the slope of the hills, on which her elevated and populous suburbs were entirely built. The rippling Darro flowed through the city, and after supplying its numerous mansions, markets, mills, and baths, winded its course into the plain below. In the days of the Banu-Nasr, Granada was encompassed by a strong wall, pierced with twenty gates, and was flanked by a thousand and thirty towers. The castle (Kassaba) stood in the centre. Every house in the city had its own garden planted with orange, lemon, citron, laurel, myrtle, and other odoriferous trees and plants, and its separate supply of running water. Beautiful fountains for the comfort and convenience of the public were to be found in large numbers in every street. The houses were extremely elegant, and beautifully ornamented with damasquina work. The population of the city towards the middle of the fifteenth century amounted to four hundred thousand souls. 

On the summit of one of the hills opposite, Ibn ul-Ahmar built the fortress or city of al-Hamra which was capable of holding within its circuit forty thousand men. It is impossible within this short space to do justice to "this fabric of the genii." The towers, citadels, and palaces, with their light and elegant architecture, the graceful porticos and colonnades, the domes and ceilings still glowing with tints which have lost none of their original brilliancy; the airy halls, constructed to admit the perfume of the surrounding gardens; the numberless fountains over which the owners had such perfect control, that the water could be made high or low, visible or invisible at pleasure, sometimes allowed to spout in the air, at other times to spread out in large, oblong sheets, in which were reflected buildings, fountains, and serene azure sky ; the lovely arabesques, paintings and mosaics finished with such care and accuracy as to make even the smallest apartments fascinating, and illuminated in varied shades of gold, pink, light blue, and dusky purple; the lovely dados of porcelain mosaic of various figures and colours; the beautiful Hall of Lions with its cloister of a hundred and twenty-eight slender and graceful columns, its blue-and-white pavement, its harmony of scarlet, azure and gold; the arabesques glowing with colour like the pattern on a cashmere shawl, its lovely marble filagree filling in the arches, its beautiful cupolas, its famous alabaster cup in the centre; the enchanting Hall of Music, where the Court sat and listened to the music of the performers in the tribunes above; the beautiful seraglio with its delicate and graceful brass lattice work and exquisite ceilings; the lovely colouring of the stalactites in the larger halls and of the conical linings in the smaller chambers — all these require a master's pen to describe. 

Opposite to the al-Hamra, on the side of a steep mountain, stands the celebrated royal villa of Al-Generaliffe, and like the Red Palace, is within the enclosure of the walls of the city. "It also," to use the words of a clever writer, "was a marvel of beauty with fountains, groves, and flowers, though little is left of their old glory but a few gigantic cypresses and myrtles." The gardens were terraced in the form of an amphitheatre, and were irrigated by streams issuing from the summit of the mountains, which, after forming numerous cascades, lost themselves among the trees and flowering shrubs. 

The sovereigns of Granada rivalled the Caliphs of Cordova in their patronage of learning and arts, and in the construction of sumptuous public works; and under their liberal and enlightened government, Granada became the home and birth-place of eminent scholars, distinguished poets, accomplished soldiers, "men fit in every respect to serve as models." Her daughters were Women no less famous in literature, and the names of Nazhun, Zainab, Hamda, Hafsah, al-Kalayyeh, Safia, Maria shed an ineffaceable lustre on the land of their birth. It was not polite literature alone that was fostered and encouraged by the Arab kings of Granada. History, geography, philosophy, astronomy, the natural and exact sciences in general, medicine and music were cultivated with equal earnestness. 

The government of each academy was entrusted to a rector, who was chosen from among the most distinguished scholars. In the middle of the thirteenth century of the Christian era this high office in the university of Granada was held by Siraj ud-din Abu Jaafar Omar al-Hakami. No religious distinction was made in these appointments, and learned Jews and Christians were often appointed to the post of rector. Real learning, in the estimation of the Arabs, "was of greater value than the religious opinion of the literate." It was customary in the Spanish Arabian universities to hold annual commemorations and periodical meetings, to which the public were invited. On these occasions poems were recited and orations delivered by the most eminent persons in the universities. Every college had the following lines inscribed over its gates — "The world is supported by four things only : the learning of the wise, and the justice of the great, the prayers of the good, and the valour of the brave." 

After the fall of Cordova chivalry found a congenial home at Granada, where it attained its highest development. As in the capital of the Caliphs, women occupied a pre-eminent position, mingled freely in the society of men, and by their presence enlivened the fetes, tourneys, and the perpetual succession of spectacles which delighted the Granadans. Much of the chivalrous spirit and gallantry for which the Saracens of Granada were conspicuous was undoubtedly due to the ennobling influence of women. The Arab cavalier entered the lists, or went to war with some device emblazoned on his arms, either a heart pierced with darts, a star directing a vessel, or the initial letter of the name of his lady-love. The knights contended openly in her presence for the prize of valour, and often joined her in the graceful dance of the zambra. It is said that the women were handsome, mostly of a middle stature, witty, and brilliant in conversation. Their dress consisted of costly robes of the finest linen, silk, or cotton with a girdle and kerchief. The historian, Ibn ul-Khatib, characterises their "luxury of dress" as a madness. Perfumes were used to a lavish extent, and women, especially ladies of rank, were passionately fond of decorating themselves with hyacinths, chrysolites, emeralds, and other gems, together with ornaments of gold and precious stones; and such was the variegated splendour of their appearance when in the mosques, that they have been compared to "the flowers of spring in a beautiful meadow." 

The turban as an article of head-dress was long ago discarded among men who followed the profession of arms. In Valencia, Murcia, and the Eastern provinces Men's generally even the Kazis and Fakihs had abandoned its head- use, and taken to caps. A contemporary writer speaks of a distinguished Allamah (Ulema) entering bare-headed the presence of the Sultan of Murcia. "And," he goes on to say, "Ibn Hud never wore a turban, nor did Ibn ul-Ahmar." 

In the western districts, like Cordova and Seville, Kazis and Fakihs generally wore turbans, but they were of much smaller dimensions than those in vogue in Asia. And we are told that the Spanish Moslems were moved to mirth by the sight of the huge head-dress of their Eastern brethren. The sovereigns and princes, the aristocracy and military, with a large proportion of the civil population, followed in dress the fashion of their Frankish neighbours, and dressed like them. The Arab cavaliers, instead of the light armour of their ancestors, their bows and scimitars, were clad in heavy mail, and used the same weapons as the Franks — the crossbow, the spear, and shield. Over the mail they generally threw a short scarlet tunic embroidered with devices. 

The Spanish Moslems were said to be the cleanest people on earth in their person and dress, and in the interior of their houses ; "indeed they carry cleanliness to such an extreme that it is not an uncommon thing for a man of the lower classes to spend his last dirhem in soap instead of buying food for his daily consumption, and thus go without his dinner rather than appear in public with dirty clothes." 

We have SO far dealt separately with Granada and Cordova. It now remains to give a general review of the system of administration and mode of government among the Spanish Arabs, of the economic condition of the country, and the state of culture under them. 

Whilst the Sultan was the supreme head of government the practical work of administration was conducted by ministers who, as in the East, bore the title of vizier. Each department of State was in the charge of a separate minister. There seem to have been four principal offices, viz., finance, foreign affairs, the administration of justice or "redress of grievances," and the management, pay, and supervision of the army. The title of vizier was also conferred on the Privy Councillors; but in order to distinguish the ministers who held portfolios from the ordinary members of the Caliph's council, the former were styled vizier zu'l vizaratain. The President of the Council, called in Asia Grand Vizier was the Hajib, or Chamberlain. He held direct communication with the sovereign, received the royal mandates, and acted generally as the chief of the ministers. They all sat in one hall, but the seat of the President was more elevated than those of the others. The Privy Councillors, like ministers, had the privilege of sitting with the Caliph in the Council chamber. 

There were several Secretaries of State, or Katib ud-Dawal, among whom the chief of the correspondence office (Kitabat ur-Rasail) occupied the most prominent position. Another officer, named Katib uz-Ziman, was entrusted with the security and protection of non-Moslems. The supervision of the public accounts was in the charge of an officer called Sahib ul-ashgal. He was practically the Finance Minister, for his department received the revenues, imposed taxes, made disbursements, and "checked extortions." In the kingdom of Granada the functionary entrusted with the keeping of accounts, the private expenses of the Sultan and other pecuniary concerns, was called the Vakil. There being no Secretary of State in Granada, the Board of Correspondence was in the charge of the Vizier, whilst the sovereign himself sealed the diplomas and despatches. Under the Banu Ahmar and the Banu Marin of Africa the sahib ul-Ashgal became a mere collector of revenue. 

In Spain the position of Kazi was one of great dignity, and the Chief Kazi was often designated Kazi ul-Jamaat (Kazi of the People) instead of Kazi ul-Kuzzat. The head of the police was, as in the East, called Sahib ush-Shurta, and under the Caliphs of Cordova was vested with very large powers. Under the later dynasties he became a mere Commissary of Police. The town magistrates were called Sahib ul-Medina and sometimes Sahib ul-Lail and were subject to the Kazis' control and supervision. The Muhtasib exercised the same functions as in the cities of Asia and Africa. He examined the weights and measures used by traders, inspected the markets, prevented nuisances, and took summary cognisance of attempts at cheating by shopkeepers. The night-watchmen were called ad-darabun or gate-keepers to whom was entrusted the duty of closing the interior gates of the cities after the last evening prayers. They were always well-armed, and carried lanterns, besides being accompanied by a huge watch-dog. 

In early times the naval commander was called Ameer ul-Ma’a which was corrupted by the Franks and Spaniards into Almirant. This was again re-imported to the Arabs in the form of al-miland. Under Abdur Rahman an-Nasir and his successors this high officer was styled Kaid ul-Asatil or Commander of the Fleet. The Ommeyades and the Almohades maintained the navy in a high state of efficiency, and their maritime force was superior to that of all the Christian nations combined. It was the loss of this superiority, as Ibn Khaldun points out, which materially contributed to the decay of Moslem power. 

No country in the world ever enjoyed a higher degree of agricultural prosperity than Spain under the Arabs. They raised agriculture into a science, and by an extra ordinary application of industry, skill, and knowledge developed the resources of the country in a wonderful manner. Thoroughly acquainted with the adaptability of certain crops to the nature of certain kinds of soil, and the application of various kinds of manure to particular species of trees, plants, etc., they made the most sterile tracts bloom into luxuriance. The Spaniards are indebted to the Arabs for the introduction of rice, sugar-cane, the cotton-tree, saffron, spinach, and that infinite variety of fine fruits which have now become almost indigenous to the peninsula, whence the use and culture of many of them have gradually been introduced into various parts of Europe. 

Every kind of soil was appropriated to that species of culture which was best adapted for it. At Elchar in the province of Valencia they have left vast groves of palm trees. Rice was cultivated in enormous quantities near Albufera. Sugar-cane and cotton were grown at Oliva condition and Gandia. Xeres, Granada, and Malaga were covered with vines; while the country around Seville and the greater part of Andalusia were planted with olives. They levelled the earth by means of an instrument called the marhifal, and the science of irrigation was carried to high perfection. The whole country was covered with aqueducts and canals for the fertilisation of the soil. They manufactured iron and steel in large quantities, and their steel was so excellent, that the swords of Granada were preferred to all others in Spain. 

The manufacture of silk and cotton was introduced by the Arabs into Spain; and woollen cloths were made of very fine quality. They excelled specially in dyeing, and the art of dyeing black with indigo is said to be their invention. The superb vases still preserved in the palace of the Alhambra, and the glazed tiles which form a distinguished ornament of that magnificentedifice, show their progress in the manufacture of porcelain. Their exports consisted of gold, silver, copper, raw and wrought silk, sugar, cochineal, quicksilver, pig and cast iron, olives, woollen manufactures, ambergris, yellow amber, loadstone, antimony, talc, marcasites, rock crystal, oil, sugar, sulphur, saffron, ginger, myrrh, and various other drugs; corals fished on the coast of Andalusia, pearls obtained from that of Catalonia, rubies from the mines of Malaga and Beja, and amethysts procured from near Carthagena. They were specially renowned in the art of tanning, currying, and dyeing and embossing leather, which has almost completely died out in Spain since the expulsion of the Moors. Carried from Spain to Fez, it was brought from there to England, where it is now known under the name of Morocco and Cordovan. They also introduced into Spain the manufacture of gun-powder, sugar, and paper. 

The fine arts were not neglected, and the Spanish Arabs excelled their Christian neighbours both in sculpture and painting. We know how the palaces of the Caliphs in Cordova, especially az-Zahra, were decorated with statuary and paintings, whilst the sculptured lions and historical paintings still preserved in the Alhambra show the development of both the arts in Granada. No town, however small, was without colleges and schools; whilst each principal city possessed a separate university. Those of Cordova, Seville (Ishbilia), Malaga, Saragossa, Lisbon (Alishbuna), Jaen, Salamanca, among others, occupied the most distinguished position. 

Among the host of historians produced by Moslem Spain the following are the most prominent: — Ibn Hayyan, Ibn ul-Abbar, Abu Obaidullah al-Bakri, Ibn Bushkuwal (Abu'l Kasim Khalf bin Abdul Malik bin Masud bin Musa), Ibn us-Said (Abu'l Hassan Ali), Ash-Shakandi (Abu'l Walid Ismail, a native of Shakunda), Ibn ul-Khatib (Lisan ud-din). We have mentioned in preceding pages the names of a few of the literary women of Granada. It will be interesting to add here the distinguished poetesses and cultured ladies who flourished in earlier times in Cordova and other places. Hassana at-Tamimiyeh, daughter of Abu'l Hussain the poet, and Umm ul-Ula, both natives of Guadalaxara, flourished in the sixth century of the Hegira. Ammat ul-Aziz, a descendant of the Prophet, and therefore styled ash-Sharifa, and al-Ghusanieh, a native of Bejenah in the province of Almeria, flourished in the fifth century. These ladies held high rank among the scholars of the time. 

Al-Aaruzzieh, who lived at Valencia, was a distinguished grammarian and rhetorician. She died at Denia in 450 A.H. Hafsah ar-Rakunieh, "renowned for her beauty, her talents, her nobility and her wealth," flourished under the Almohades. Hafsa, the daughter of Hamdun, also a native of Guadalaxara, was one of the most illustrious poetesses and scholars of the fourth century of the Hegira. Zainab al-Murabiyyeh, a native of Wadi Ash (Guadix), lived in the time of Hajib al-Muzaffar, with whose family she was on terms of intimacy. Mariam, daughter of Abu Yakub al-Ansari, was a native of Seville; she was a learned and accomplished woman, and taught rhetoric, poetry, and literature, "which, joined to her piety, her good morals, her virtues, and amiable disposition, gained her the affection of her sex, and gave her many pupils." She died towards the end of the fourth century of the Hegira. Asma al-Aamariyeh, also a native of Seville, was a distinguished scholar. Umm ul-Hina, daughter of the Kazi Abu Mohammed Abdul Hakk ibn Aatiyyeh, was both a poetess and a jurisconsult. Bahja, a native of Cordova, a friend of Walladeh, the daughter of al-Mustakfi, was equally renowned for her beauty and her verses. Itimad ar-Ramikkiyeh and Busina, the wife and daughter of Mutamid, the last king of Seville, also held high rank among the scholars of the day. 

A sketch of the Spanish Moslems can hardly be complete without some further account of the distinguished physicians and philosophers who have shed such lustre on the country of their birth. 

Abu Bakr Mohammed bin Yahya, surnamed Ibn us-Saigh ("son of the goldsmith"), commonly known as Ibn Baja (Avempace or Avenpace), was a native of Saragossa, and a Tajibite by descent. He was eminent as a physician, philosopher, mathematician and astronomer. To his learning and scientific attainments he joined the highest proficiency in music. He died at Fez in 
533 A.H. (1138 A.c). 

Ibn Tufail (Abu Bakr Mohammed bin Abdul Malik ibn Tufail) was one of the most remarkable philosophers of the Arabs in Spain. He was born at Wadi Ash (Guadix), and was celebrated as a physician, mathematician, philosopher, and poet. He was held in the highest estimation by Abu Yakub Yusuf, the second sovereign of the Almohade dynasty. Ibn Tufail died in Morocco in 581 a.h. (1185 A.c), and Yakub al-Mansur, the son and successor of Yusuf, personally assisted at his funeral. Probably Ibn Tufail's famous work, Hai ibn Yukzkan is one of the first works on natural religion. 

Ibn Zuhr (Abu Bakr al-Iyazi) was a native of Seville, and belonged to a remarkably gifted family, of which all the members were scholars, physicians, or viziers. Ibn Zuhr was chief physician to Abu Yusuf Yakub al-Mansur and died in 595 a.h. (1199 A.C). His father was the Chief Physician to Abdul Momin, founder of the Almohade dynasty. His grandfather was "the vizier of that epoch and its grandee, the philosopher of that age and its physician." 

Ibn Rushd, the great Averroes (Abu'l Walid Mohammed bin Ahmed ibn Rushd), was born in 520 a.h. (1126 A.C). His grandfather and father were Chief Kazis of Andalusia under the Almoravides. Ibn Rushd enjoyed the friendship of Ibn Zuhr, and of Ibn Tufail, who introduced him to Abu Yakub Yusuf. Ibn Rushd was Kazi of Seville. In 1182 he was appointed to the same office at Cordova. He died on the 9th of Safar 595 a.h. (December 1198 a.c). 






A Short History of Saracens:Chapter XXX



The last struggle — The Siege of Granada— The capitulation — Treachery of Ferdinand and Isabella — The persecution of the Spanish Moslems— Final expulsion — The loss to Spain. 

Ibn Ismail was succeeded by his eldest son Ali, surnamed Abu'l Hassan. Brave, chivalrous, and gifted, had he been supported by a united people he would probably have rivalled the glory of his ancestors, and kept his kingdom intact; but with a nation divided and torn by factions, the task before him was hopeless. The ruin was hastened by his own fiery recklessness and the rebellion of his son. In the year 1469 a.c. the marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella united the forces of Castile, Aragon, and Leon under one common standard. Both equally fanatical, both alike regarding it a pious duty to burn or slaughter infidels and heretics, both alike determined to put an end to the last remnant of civilisation in Spain, they waited impatiently for the termination of the truce which, at their instance, and in consequence of the troubles within their own dominions, had been concluded with Abu'l Hassan. But the haughty refusal of the King of Granada to pay the tribute agreed upon rankled within them. The longed-for opportunity was supplied by Abu'l Hassan himself. No sooner did the truce expire, than he recklessly commenced the war by attacking and carrying by assault, in a storm of wind and rain, the township of Zahara. 

The capture of this township unloosed upon him and his kingdom the avalanche of savagery and fanaticism, which only the internal convulsions in Northern Spain had hitherto prevented from rolling down on Granada. Thinking men among the Saracens considered the rashness of the King as the harbinger of evil to their own principality. In the reception-hall of the King an old fakih gave expression to this foreboding. "Woe is me!" said he. "The ruins of Zahara will fall on our own heads; the days of the Moslem Empire in Spain are now numbered!" Perceiving the difficulty of recapturing Zahara, which had been strongly garrisoned by Abu'l Hassan, the Castilians on their side made a sudden night attack on the fortified township of al-Hamah (Alhama), which, situated at the foot of the mountains fifteen leagues from the capital, guarded the entrance into the Granadan territories. In spite of a heroic defence the place was taken by assault and turned into a human shamble. Even the women and children, who had taken refuge in the Alhama, cathedral mosque, were mercilessly slaughtered by the Castilians. Thus fell Alhama in 887 A.H. (1482 a.c.)— one day a flourishing city, the next a vast tomb; its beautiful streets one day promenaded by a happy people, the next heaped with slaughtered corpses. 

The fall of Alhama foreshadowed the doom of Granada; and a general wail went up from the Moslem population at the cruel fate of its citizens and garrison. They cursed the folly which had led to the disaster. Abu'l Hassan made two attempts to retake the city; the first failed; in the second he was nearly successful, when the news of an insurrection in the capital, headed by his son Abu Abdullah Mohammed, paralysed his arms. The evils of polygamy showed themselves at this grave crisis in the fortunes of the Spanish Moslems. Abu'l Hassan had two wives, one the daughter of his uncle, named Ayesha, the other a Spanish (Christian) lady of high birth. To the latter and her children he was devotedly attached. Ayesha, jealous of the influence exercised by her Spanish rival, instigated her son, the notorious Boabdil, to rise against his father. Bribed by the mother, a portion of the garrison and the people accepted the young man as their king. Abu'l Hassan hastened back to Granada, which became a field of carnage on both sides. A short truce between father and son enabled the old King to relieve Loja or Loxa (Losha), which was besieged by the Castilians, and to capture Canete. But these successes were of no avail, for he learnt that his rebel son had succeeded in seizing the Castle of Alhambra, and had virtually made himself master of the whole of Granada. Abu'l Hassan then fell back on Malaga, of which his brother Abu Abdullah Mohammed, surnamed az-Zaghal, was the governor. The cities of Guadix and Baeza (Basta) alone remained under his authority. 

Ferdinand and Isabella, burning to avenge the check sustained by their troops before Loxa, dispatched a strong force into the province of Malaga, which at first met with great success, "if we can call by that name the burning of harvests, the cutting down of olive trees and vines, the destruction of flourishing villages, the lifting of cattle, and the butchery of defenceless human beings." The Castilians, who were thus pleasantly engaged, were attacked by az-Zaghal and his lieutenant Rizwan in the mountains of Axarquia (ash-Sharkia) and routed with terrible slaughter. The Saracen cause was not entirely hopeless, but a new incident, of which the traitor Boabdil was the author, altered the whole course of events. Desirous of emulating the achievements of his uncle, az-Zaghal, whose name was now on the lips of the volatile Granadans, the unlucky Boabdil attacked the Castilian town of Lucena, was disastrously beaten and taken prisoner. At this juncture Abu'l Hassan abdicated the throne in favour of the brave az-Zaghal, and retired with his family and effects to Illora, and thence to Almunicar, where he died soon after. 

The capture of Boabdil was regarded by Ferdinand and Isabella as a providential help rendered to their cause, for they saw in him the fittest instrument for perpetuating the discord in Granada, dividing its military resources, and ultimately destroying the ill-fated kingdom. Weak, vacillating, and pusillanimous, he was "mere wax" in the hands of the astute and masterful Ferdinand. He was soon persuaded to become their faithful vassal. "As soon as they felt they had completely mastered their tool," they sent him back towards Granada well supplied with men, money, and other requisites. With the assistance of the Castilians who formed his escort, and a number of Granadans who had been bribed by Ayesha, he seized the suburb of Albaezin and Granada was again plunged in a destructive civil war. Az-Zaghal proposed to Boabdil that they should reign together, and jointly oppose the common enemy; but the incapable young man refused all overtures. The Castilians took advantage of this suicidal struggle between az-Zaghal and Boabdil to capture in succession Alora, Kasr-Bonela, Ronda, and other important cities. Loxa, before which they had failed several times, was reduced in 1486 a.c, and Malaga fell a year later. Once did az-Zaghal issue to relieve this city, but was actually prevented by Boabdil, who was base enough to congratulate Ferdinand on the conquest of this Moslem city.

Although these places had surrendered or capitulated on a solemn pledge of security and protection to the inhabitants, once in possession the saintly Ferdinand did not hesitate to break his pledged word; the people were either reduced to slavery or expelled from their homes and country. Baeza, Almeria, Vera, Huescar, and a few other places alone remained in the hands of az-Zaghal. The perfidious Ferdinand entered into a secret compact with Boabdil to give to him all the territories he would conquer from az-Zaghal; and the miserable traitor fully relied on this promise in the fear that if he did not help the Castilians, az-Zaghal, who had beaten Ferdinand in several engagements, would turn him out of Granada. Ferdinand was thus able to fall with all his forces upon Baeza. Az-Zaghal, driven to desperation, appealed to the Moslem sovereigns of Africa, just then fighting amongst themselves. The appeal proved fruitless; nevertheless the Saracens maintained a sturdy defence, and az-Zaghal repeatedly drove back the Castilians from the walls of his capital; but the tactics of Ferdinand finally starved the city into capitulation. As usual, the terms on which the submission was obtained were broken immediately afterwards, and the citizens were ruthlessly expelled from their homes, and their goods and chattels seized by the pious King and Queen. The governors of the castles and towns in the Alpuxarras (al-Busharat) were gradually bribed into submission. Az-Zaghal, who had, until now, fought heroically for the freedom of his people, was at last induced to make his submission to Ferdinand and Isabella. He was allotted the district of Andarax, with the title of king, but was not allowed long to remain in the enjoyment of his small territory, for a year later he was exiled to Africa. Nothing now remained in the hands of the Saracens except Granada and its immediate dependencies. Boabdil, to whom the fall of az-Zaghal had come as a relief, was speedily undeceived as to the intentions of his Christian patrons regarding himself. 

No sooner was az-Zaghal disposed of than they called upon Boabdil to surrender Granada. His refusal supplied to Ferdinand the pretext for laying waste with fire and sword the fertile territories of Granada. After converting the Vega into a "vast expanse of desolation" he retired to Cordova. It was now war to the knife; the Saracens, under the leadership of Musa bin Abi'l Ghazan, one of their most valorous knights, whose words had put some life even into the heart of the pusillanimous Boabdil, resolved once more to carry the war into the enemy's country, and they actually succeeded in capturing some of the frontier posts. But with the return of spring Ferdinand again entered the plains of Granada with an army consisting of forty thousand foot and ten thousand horse, and commenced anew the work of devastation. The crops and fruit trees were destroyed, the homesteads reduced to ashes, and the defenceless inhabitants either butchered, outraged, or mutilated. The cordon was drawn tighter and tighter round the last stronghold of civilisation in Spain, and the harried people of the Vega took refuge within the walls of the capital. "For ten years they had disputed every inch of ground with their invaders: wherever their feet could hold they had stood firm against the enemy. But now there was left to them nothing beyond their capital, and within its walls they shut themselves up in sullen despair." 

The dispositions for the defence were excellently conceived, and for a time were ably carried out. As yet the communications between the capital and the Alpuxarras (al-Busharat) were not interrupted, and convoys with provisions came constantly for the besieged from the districts of Sierra Nevada (the Jabal-Shulair), whilst vigorous sorties led by Musa himself kept the enemy at bay. In the single combats, which were of daily occurrence in front of the Castilian camp, the Saracen cavaliers almost invariably killed their antagonists. The loss of his best knights in these encounters determined Ferdinand to convert the siege into a blockade, and to starve the Saracens into surrender. "Every patch of ground beyond the city walls was seized by the enemy, and all access from outside was barred, so that it became impossible for the besieged to gather any crops or to receive supplies from the neighbouring districts. Provisions grew every day more scarce, and by the month of Safar the privations of the people became almost intolerable." A desperate attempt to break the cordon failed owing to the weakness of the famished infantry of Granada. Reduced to terrible straits, the besieged at last determined upon a surrender. "Famine did the work that no mere valour could effect." 

Delegates were sent to the Castilian camp to arrange the conditions of capitulation, and after a long conference the following terms were settled: That, in case the Saracens were not relieved within the space of two months, either by land or sea, the city of Granada should be delivered over to the Christians; that the King, his generals, viziers and shaikhs, with all the people, should take the oath of obedience to the Castilian sovereigns, and that Boabdil should receive some property in the Alpuxarras; that the Moslems "great and small," should be perfectly secure in person, and that they should preserve, with their liberty, the full and unrestricted enjoyment and possession of their property, their arms, and their horses; that they should be allowed the free and unmolested exercise of their religion; that their mosques and religious foundations should remain intact; that the muezzin should not be interrupted in his call to prayers; that they should retain their manners, usages, customs, language, and dress; that their laws should be administered to them by their own magistrates; that transactions between them and the Christians should be dealt with by mixed tribunals ; that they should not be subjected to any taxes beyond what they paid to their sovereigns; that no Christian should enter forcibly the house of a Moslem, or insult him in any way; that all the Moslem captives should be liberated; that all Saracens who might wish to cross over to Africa should be allowed to take their departure within a fixed time, and be conveyed thither in the Castilian ships, without any payment except the mere charge for passage; and that after the expiration of that time no Moslem should be hindered from departing, provided he paid, in addition to the price of his passage, a tenth of whatever property he might carry along with him; that no one should be prosecuted and punished for the crime of another man; that any Christian who had embraced Islam should not be compelled to re-linquish it, and adopt his or her former creed; that any Moslem wishing to become Christian should be allowed some days to consider the step he was about to take, after which he was to be questioned both by a Moslem and a Christian judge concerning his intended change, and if, after this examination, he still refuse to return to Islam, he should be permitted to follow his own inclination; that no Moslem should be subject to have Christian soldiers billeted upon him, or to be transported from his home against his will; that any Moslem choosing to travel or reside among the Christians should be perfectly secure in his person and property; and that no badge or distinctive mark should be put on them, as was done with the Jews. 

Musa alone raised his voice against the capitulation. He warned them not to rely on the delusive and treacherous promises of the Castilians, and implored them to make one supreme effort to break the leaguer. "Death is sweeter," he said, "than the pain and shame of servitude. Do you believe that the Castilians would observe faithfully their promises? You are deceived. The enemy is thirsting for our blood. But death is nothing to what he has in store for us — injury, outrage, humiliation, degradation; the plunder of our homes, the dishonour of our wives and daughters, the profanation of our mosques — in a word, oppression, injustice, and intolerance. Already the fagots have been alighted to reduce us into cinders." His words had no effect. The brave knight, with a glance of contempt and indignation at his compatriots assembled in council, mounted his charger and rode forth from the city by the gate of Elvira never to return. "It is said that as he rode he encountered a party of Christian knights, half a score strong, and, answering their challenge, slew many of Death of them before he was unhorsed, and then, disdaining their offers of mercy, fought stubbornly upon his knees till he was too weak to continue the struggle: with a last effort he cast himself into the river Xenil, and, heavy with armour, sank to the bottom." 

Messengers had been despatched to implore the help of the Sultans of Egypt and Rum, but the period of grace expired without any sign of relief; and on January 3, 1492 A.C., the Castilians took possession of Granada. It was indeed "an ill-omened hour when the Cross supplanted the Crescent on the towers of Granada;" for with the conquest of that city by the Christian Spaniards died for ever the intellectual life and industrial activity of the Peninsula. 

Boabdil and his family took the road to the Alpuxarras, where he was to abide, when he reached the mountains of Padul he cast a last long look at Granada and wept. His mother, hitherto his evil genius, turned upon him with the words, "Yes, you may well weep like a woman at the loss of what you could not defend like a man." The spot whence Boabdil took his sad farewell look of Granada bears to this day the name of El ultimo sospiro del Moro — "The last sigh of the Moor." At Andarax Boabdil lived for a while, but his presence in Spain was regarded by Ferdinand as dangerous to the Castilian sovereignty, and he was soon of banished to Africa. He then went to Fez, where he abode until his death in 1538 a.c. 

Neither the pious Ferdinand nor the saintly Isabella meant to abide by the capitulation concluded with the Moslems, who were soon reminded of the ominous warning of their last hero by the fate of the Jews. These people had prospered under the tolerant rule of the Saracens; their wealth attracted the cupidity of the Castilian sovereigns. In 1492 a.c, Ferdinand, who always concealed his perfidious policy in the cloak of religion, and lavished promises where he meant to deceive, promulgated a decree that they should either beginning abandon their religion or leave the country. They were burnt, tortured, or exiled. 

Simultaneously with the decree against the Jews, the terms settled with the Moslems began to be infringed; they were subjected to every humiliation and injury; their religion and laws were proscribed, and many of them were forcibly baptised. The treachery of the Castilians caused great resentment among the Moslem population, and the Albaezin rose in arms, which only led to further ill-treatment. In 1498 the ferocious Ximenes started a universal persecution. They were enjoined within a certain time to embrace "the religion of the idolators" or to submit to death. Some yielded, but a majority clung to their faith, and betook themselves to the mountains of Alpuxarras. Here they were attacked by their persecutors. Not content with massacrmg the men, the Castilians blew up by gunpowder a mosque where the women and children of a wide dictrict had taken refuge. In spite of the odds against them the Moslems defended themselves bravely, and in 1501 a.c. gained a victory at Jabal Balansa, which obtained for the survivors and their families an exit to Morocco, Turkey, and Egypt. Their goods and chattels, however, were seized by their Christian majesties. Those that remained, and they were still numerous, were compelled at the point of the sword to make a profession of Christianity. Although nominally Christians, "they were not so in their hearts, for they worshipped God in secret, and performed their prayers and ablutions at the proper hours." "They took care to wash off" maintains Lane-poole "the holy water with which their children were baptised as soon as they were out of the priest's sight; they came home from their Christian weddings to be married again after the Mohammedan rite. A wise and honest government, respecting its pledges given at the surrender of Granada, would have been spared the danger of this hidden disaffection, but the rulers of Spain were neither wise nor honest in their dealings with the Moriscoes, and as time went on they became more and more cruel and false."

These nominal Christians were watched with the greatest vigilance, and any sign of backsliding brought upon the hapless offender the punishment of the Inquisition. The fires of the auto da fe were lighted at Granada, at Cordova, and at Seville, and from day to day the flames devoured numbers of men, women, and children. In order to prevent a rising the use of every sharp instrument, even to the smallest knife, was interdicted, and so the unlucky descendants of the race that had conquered Spain bore patiently the tortures and outrages to which they were subjected. In 1568 A.C. their condition became intolerable. Not satisfied with despoiling their victims of property and privileges, reducing them to a hideous servitude in the land where they had once reigned, "the Christians sought their extermination — the destruction of the very memory of their glorious existence." The mad fanatic Philip II occupied the throne of Spain at this time. And the Archbishop of Granada, equally ferocious and fanatical, obtained from him a decree requiring the Arabs to abandon their language, their customs, their manners, and all their institutions in a day. "'The infidels' were ordered to abandon their picturesque costume, and to assume the hats and breeches of the Christians; to give up bathing, and adopt the dirt of their conquerors; to renounce their language, their customs and ceremonies, even their very names, and to speak Spanish, behave Spanishly, and re-name themselves Spaniards." "The wholesale denationalisation of the people was more than any folk, much less the descendants of the Almanzors and the Abencerrages, could stomach." 

Driven to desperation they rose in arms. It was a hopeless struggle. After three years of incessant fighting the insurrection was crushed by the notorious Don Juan of Austria, by wholesale butchery and devastation. Men and women and children were butchered under his own eyes, and the villages and valleys of the Alpuxarras were turned into human shambles. The poor people who took refuge in caves were smoked to death. There still remained a large number of Moriscoes, as they were called, in Valencia and Murcia. In 1610 a.c. Philip III completed the work begun by his father; over half a million of inoffensive people were forcibly deported to Africa and thrown upon its shores without means or money. Those who lived in the interior, and whose number is said to have amounted to no less than two hundred thousand, unhappy remnant of a once powerful and prosperous nation, were mercilessly driven across the the frontier into France, whence such as survived the cruelties of the Spaniards or the hardships of the road, took ship to the countries of Islam. From the fall of Granada to the reign of Philip III three millions of people were driven out of the Peninsula! 

Thus disappeared from the soil of Spain a brave, ingenious and enlightened nation, whose active industry had brought back to life the Peninsula that had lain dead and barren under the indolent pride of the Goths; who had turned Andalusia into a garden, and had held aloft the torch of knowledge when all around lay in darkness; who had spread culture, given impetus to civilisation, and established chivalry — who had, in fact, created modern Europe. And what has Spain gained by the expulsion of the Moors? Fair Andalusia, for centuries the home of culture, learning, and arts, has relapsed into sterility and become a synonym for intellectual and moral desolation. "An eternal gloom," to use the eloquent words of Conde, "envelopes the countries which their presence had brightened and enriched. Nature has not changed; she is as smiling as ever; but the people and their religion have changed. Some mutilated monuments still dominate over the ruins which cover a desolate land; but from the midst of these monuments, of these cold ruins comes the cry of Truth, 'Honour and glory to the vanquished Arab, decay and misery for the conquering Spaniard.'" 


Stanely Lane-poole describes still more graphically the loss inflicted by fanaticism in Spain. "The misguided Spaniards knew not what they were doing. The exile of the Moors delighted them; nothing more picturesque and romantic had occurred for some time. They did not understand that they had killed their golden goose. For centuries Spain had been the centre of civilisation, the seat of arts and sciences, of learning, and every form of refined enlightenment. No other country in Europe had so far approached the cultivated dominion of the Moors. The brief brilliancy of Ferdinand and Isabella, and of the empire of Charles V., could found no such enduring pre-eminence. The Moors were banished; for a while Christian Spain shone, like the moon, with a borrowed light; then came the eclipse, and in that darkness Spain has grovelled ever since. The true memorial of the Moors is seen in desolate tracts of utter barrenness, where once the Moslem grew luxuriant vines and olives and yellow ears of corn; in a stupid, ignorant population where once wit and learning flourished; in the general stagnation and degradation of a people which has hopelessly fallen in the scale of the nations, and has deserved its humiliation."