A Short History of Saracens:Chapter XXIV

RETROSPECT:

The Caliphate — Nominally elective — The Oath of Allegiance — Its sacramental character — Government — The politicalmachinery — Policy — Administration — The Governorships — Provincial divisions — The Vizier — The Departments of State — Courts of Justice — Agriculture — Manufacture — Revenues of the Empire — The Army — Military tactics — The Navy.

We have already seen how since the time of Hajjaj, with a slight intermission during the reign of Omar II., the Syrian Arabs had monopolised the high offices of state, and how sedulously they had excluded outsiders from all avenues to posts of emolument and honour. This selfish policy, based on material force, was successful so long as the subject nationalities had not learnt their strength. The revolution which wrested the supreme power from the Ommeyades and transferred it to their rivals broke their monopoly. Henceforth the non- Arabs, as common subjects of a great and civilised empire, assumed their proper place as citizens of Islam, were admitted to the highest employment of state, and enjoyed equal consideration with the Arabs. A greater revolution than this has scarcely been witnessed either in ancient or modern times; it gave practical effect to the democratic enunciation of the equality and brotherhood of man. To this mainly is due the extraordinary vitality of the Abbasside Caliphate and the permanence of its spiritual supremacy, even after it had lost its temporal authority. The acceptance of this fundamental principle of racial equality among all their subjects helped the early sovereigns of the house of Abbas to build up a fabric which endured without a rival for over five centuries, and fell only before a barbarian attack from without.

The Caliph was not merely a secular sovereign; he was the spiritual head of a church and a commonwealth, the actual representative of divine government. The honours that were paid to some of the Pontiffs, even when they were puppets in the hands of their mayors, and the halo that surrounded their personality, show the genius of Mansur in devising the system which constituted the Caliph the divinely-appointed Imam or leader of the great Sunni congregation.

As under the Ommeyades, the ruling Pontiff almost invariably nominated his successor in his lifetime. When the nomination had been made, the chief dignitaries of the empire, including the Kazis, the generals of the army, the subordinate civil and military officers, were called upon to take the oath of allegiance to the heir designate. This was called the Mat; the person taking the oath placed his hands in those of the Prince and swore that he would be loyal and faithful. The high functionaries and the grandees of the empire took the oath to the heir designate in person; with the rank and file, he was generally represented by a proxy. To impart greater validity to the Imperial title, the Mat was renewed upon the decease of the reigning sovereign. The Spanish historian gives a graphic account of the ceremonial observed on these occasions in Cordova, which in most particulars copied the etiquette of the Caliph's court at Bagdad. The Caliph sat enthroned under the gilded pavilion called the Taj, whilst the neighbouring apartments were filled with public functionaries and courtiers who had a right to be present at such ceremonies. The ceremony commenced by the princes of the royal blood approaching the throne, and reading the formula of inauguration, after which they took the oath of allegiance, "with all its sanctions and restrictions." They were followed by the viziers and their sons, the body-guard, and the servants of the palace. This done, the brothers of the Caliph, the viziers, and thenobles, ranged themselves in a circle on each side of the throne, and the Chamberlain, who stood in one corner of the hall, swore in the people as they entered.

The oath of allegiance to the elected Caliph possessed sacramental virtue, and imparted a sacredness to his personality of which we, in these times and living under such different conditions, can have but little conception. And this sacredness was enhanced and accentuated by prayers offered for the accepted Pontiff in the mosques of Medina and Mecca. The sacramental virtue attached to the biat was based upon the following idea. All the rules and ordinances which regulate the conduct of the general body of Moslems are the utterances of the voice of God. This is in substance the Ijmaa ul- Ummat, "the consensus of the people," and when they unanimously, or almost unanimously, choose a spiritual leader and head of the congregation of Islam, a divine sanction is imparted to his spiritual authority; he becomes the source and channel of legitimate government, and he alone has the right of "ordaining " deputies entitled to rule, decide, or to lead at prayers. It was due to this conception of the sacramental character of the Caliph's election that long after he had lost every vestige of temporal power, conquerors and chieftains like Mahmud of Ghazni solicited from him the consecration of their power. The Caliph's confirmation legitimised their authority, vested in them the lawful government of their states, and made every popular rising against them illegal and impious. This ordination was affected by the grant of a formal diploma which was invariably accompanied by a pelisse of honour often by a turban studded with jewels, swords and banners.

The political machinery which existed under the Abbasside Caliphate, and was afterwards adopted either wholly, or with some modifications by the states that came into existence on the break-up of the Arab empire, was founded by Mansur, and derived its character from his genius. During the Ommeyade rule the government of the Caliphs was a pure autocracy tempered by the freedom of speech possessed by the desert Arabs and the learned or holy which enabled them, often by a phrase or verse from the Koran or from the poets, to change the mood of the sovereign. Under the first five Caliphs of the Abbasside dynasty also the government continued to be more or less autocratic, although the departmental ministers and prominent members of the family formed a body of unauthorised councillors. The Caliph was the fountain of all power, and all orders relating to the administration of the state emanated from him. The vizier was practically the lieutenant of the Caliph, and wielded in his name the full authority of the empire. He could appoint and displace the functionaries; he supervised the taxation and the receipt and disbursement of revenues; all the state correspondence was in his hands, and he acted as the mandatary of the sovereign and united in his person the civil and military administration, besides the ordinary duties of counselling and helping the Caliph.

Such were the viziers who held the office under the early Abbassides; they derived their authority from the Caliphs and purported to carry out his mandates. In time it was found that the duties were too heavy for one man to discharge, and it became necessary to appoint some minor functionaries for the work of the various departments in subordination to the vizier. Under the great government by the will of one man gave way to constitutionalism. A regular council of state, representing every community owning allegiance to the Caliph, was for the first time established in his reign. The representatives of the people enjoyed perfect freedom in the expression of their opinions, and do not seem ever to have been hampered in their discussions. The Caliph's council in later times, when they had lost their temporal authority, and their influence rested on their spiritual prestige, turned into a synod of divines and doctors of law. But the Buyides, the Samanides, the Seljukides, and the Ayubides, all had their councils in which the people were more or less represented. Saladin's council met regularly, either under his presidency or that of the vizier (al-Kazi ul-Fazil), for the transaction of business, and seems to have followed the Sultan in his campaigns.

With the exception of the ill-fated Amin, the first eight sovereigns of the Abbasside dynasty were men of exceptional ability, who, like the Tudors, maintained a tight hold on their governors. It was a settled policy never to keep a governor too long in any province; confidential messengers were stationed at each provincial capital to keep the Court at Bagdad fully acquainted with the events transpiring from day to day in their respective provinces. Sometimes the head of the post offices (Sahib ul-Barid) acted as the official newsagent, so to speak, of the Caliph. Besides these recognised agents and commissaries, there existed a large body of secret police or detectives in all parts of the empire, who kept a strict watch over all conditions of people. They even extended their operations to foreign countries, for under Mahdi, Rashid, Mamun, and Mutasim, secret agents were maintained at Byzantium, and other important places, to keep the Caliph informed of every movement of the Byzantine emperors. These detectives were of both sexes, and seem to have done their duty with remarkable fidelity and success. It is probable that during the ascendency of the Turkish guards, and the mayoralty of the Buyides, when the Caliphs were either prisoners or in tutelage, the system fell into abeyance or desuetude. But with the partial recovery of their temporal power, they re-employed the old machinery for obtaining information. It is stated that an-Nasir li-din- Illah kept himself so well posted in everything which transpired, either within his own dominions, or in neighbouring countries, that people believed "he was ministered to by the Jinns."  As in modern times, unofficial agency was frequently resorted to for these purposes, and spies were chosen from all classes, especially merchants, pedlars, and such like, who kept the Caliph informed of every occurrence, however trivial. When the provincial governors became feudatories of the empire, and the sovereignty of the Caliph dwindled into a more or less effective suzerainty, the confidential messengers were turned into legates of the Pontiff, and acted as his resident agents in the Courts of Nishapur, Merv, Mosul, Damascus, etc. Like the Papal legates in the later mediaeval times in Europe, they accompanied the sovereigns to whom they were accredited in their military marches. We find them not only in the camps of Alp Arslan and Malik Shah, but also in those of Nur ud-din Mahmud and Saladin, ever active, and sometimes meddlesome; occasionally, as under the later Ayubides, reconciling contending princes, and settling fratricidal strifes.

Each sovereign on his side maintained a commissary called Shahna, at the Pontifical Court, charged with the duty of keenly watching the moves of the game on the part of his rivals, for the struggle for predominating influence over the source of all legitimate authority was as great at Bagdad as in papal Rome, Shahnas were usually stationed, besides the capital, in places like Wasit, Bussorah, Tikrit, etc.

One great object of the early Abbassides was the consolidation of the empire; and in order to attain this end, aggressive enterprises and foreign conquests were abandoned. The advance into Upper Egypt, and the countries of Deilem and Cabul, were due to the turbulence of the wild and savage tribes inhabiting these regions, whilst the frequent wars with the Byzantines were always the result of inroads and violations of treaty- pledges on their part.

The administration was conducted on definite lines analogous to modern civilised systems; in some directions it may be said to have been in advance of our own times. All offices of state were equally open to Moslems, Jews, Christians, and Hindoos. Nothing marks so distinctly the difference between the Ommeyade and Abbasside rule, as the complicated machinery for the conduct of government which came into existence under the Caliphs of the house of Abbas, and which were afterwards copied by all the succeeding Moslem states.

The provincial administration was, as under the last dynasty, conducted by governors appointed by the Caliph, but their powers and jurisdiction were considerably circumscribed. Mansur never kept a governor in one province for any length of time. On being relieved of office he was required to give a full account of his administration, and the smallest suspicion of breach of trust led to confiscation of his properties. Under Mansur the office of a provincial governor was by no means a sinecure. Their position was more satisfactory under his successors, although their powers of initiation were equally limited. They were merely the administrative and military heads of the provinces entrusted to their charge, liable to dismissal at pleasure of the sovereign.

The judicial authority was entrusted to the provincial Kazi, who was assisted by a number of deputies, stationed in the different towns. The governors of certain provinces, however, gained for themselves special privileges by services rendered to the state by liberal aid from the territories under their charge, or by special lovalty. Western Africa beyond the Libyan Desert, together with Sicily, formed one government, and was held in Saffah's The time by Abdur Rahman bin Habib, whilst Egypt was entrusted to the faithful Abu Ayun. The Jazira (Mesootamia), Azarbijan, and Armenia; Medina, Mecca, and Yemama (Western and Central Arabia); Yemen or Southern Arabia: Kufa and its neighbourhood (the Sawdd, the great Euphrates valley); Bussorah with the Delta, Bahrain, and Oman; the Persian Irak, Khorasan, and Transoxiana; Sind and the Punjab; Ahwaz (Susiana) and Southern Persia; the principality of Mosul; and lastly Syria with the Phoenician littoral, formed the remaining governments. Saffah afterwards separated Palestine from Syria and placed it under a separate governor. Rashid in some measure recast the previous divisions; he separated the marches of Syria and Cilicia from the governorship of Mesopotamia and Kinnisrin, and formed them into a separate governorship under the name of Awasim. When the office was entrusted to a prince of the royal blood, a military officer of high rank was always associated with him as his adviser and lieutenant. The governor of the Aawasim was in fact the warden of the marches, and was charged with the duty of guarding the frontiers and the mountain passes. Tarsus, in Cilicia, which was built and fortified by Rashid, was made the capital of this important governorship. Like his grandfather, Rashid was a great builder of cities; Mansur had rebuilt Massisia (ancient Mopsuesta); Rashid built Tarsus, Adana, Maraash (Germanicia), and a number of other places which were strongly fortified and garrisoned by the regular soldiers of the Caliphate.

Although the office of vizier existed among the Persians, and was known to the Arabs, it was not until the Abbassides came into power that any functionary actually held office under that name. With the loss of the Caliph's actual authority, the vizier lost his predominant position, and his place was taken by the Ameer ul-Omara or general-in-chief. The Buyides afterwards transferred the title to their own ministers, leaving to the Pontiff only a secretary who bore the name of Rats ur-Ruasd. When the Caliphs under the Seljuk Sultans resumed their temporal power, they again nominated their viziers, and the office of cabinet-secretary and the vizierate were combined in one person.

The Ustad ud-dar or intendant of the palace was another important personage. Under the weaker sovereigns, the Ameer ul-Omara was also the Ustad ud-dar and the Buyide princes did not hesitate to distinguish themselves by this title. When they lost their power, the office of Ustad ud-dar became reduced to what its name really implies, viz. maitre d' hotel. Under the Caliph al-Mustanjid, Abdullah (Aazd ud-din) ibn ul-Muzzaffar, and after him his son Abdul Farigh Mohammed (Imad ud-din), a grandson of the Rais ur-Ruasa acted as maitres d' hotel.

The title of Sultan was for the first time bestowed by Wasik upon Ashnas, the commandant of the Turkish guards, who was decorated with a jewelled crown and double girdle. It seems virtually to have remained in abeyance until the Buyides rose to power, when it was conferred on those princes. The investiture was attended with great pomp and ceremony. The recipient of the title was first dressed in royal robes, a jewelled crown was placed on his head, a collar round his neck, a bracelet on his arm, and a sword was buckled round his waist. Finally, to mark the combination of both civil and military powers, two banners were handed to him by the Caliph personally, "one ornamented with silver, fashioned as is customary among the nobles, and the other with gold in the manner of those given to the successors designate to the Caliph." The diploma was then read out in the presence of the assembled multitude, after which the Sultan kissed the Caliph's hand.

The title of Sultan was not, however, confined to the Buyide princes. It was conferred on mighty conquerors like Mahmud of Ghazni, Tughril, Alp Arslan, Malik Shah, Saladin, etc. Practically once assumed or conferred it became hereditary in the family, although on each succession, a formal investiture was applied for, and almost as a matter of course granted with the usual robes of honour.

Later, another title was created, that of Malik, or king, sometimes jointly with the designation of Sultan and sometimes separately, but always with a qualifying phrase, was bestowed on ruling princes. The first to obtain this honour was the great Nur ud-din Mahmud, the son of Zangi, who received from the Caliph the title of al-Malik ul-Addil, the just king. Regarding the position of viziers under the Abbassides, the Moslem legists and writers on political economy recognise two grades vizierate: (i) the unlimited (vizarat

ut-tafwiz)(2) the limited (vizarat ut-tanfiz). To viziers of the first class the sovereign "delegated" all his powers; they were vested with absolute and unfettered discretion in all matters concerning the state. They could make any disposition and report it afterwards to their master. Under Saffah, Mansur or Mahdi, there were no such viziers; under Rashid, Jaafar Barmeki, and under Mamtin, Fazl bin Sahl alone held the delegated authority.

The viziers of the second class did not possess such wide powers. They could not act of their own initiative, but were authorised to carry out the orders of the sovereign. The viziers were required to have a thorough knowledge of administration and taxation, of the local circumstances of the provinces, and their several needs and requirements. Non-Moslems were eligible for the office, although their appointment might not have been viewed with approval by the orthodox.

The manner of the vizier's appointment is not without interest. The person on whom the imperial choice fell was summoned to the palace by a Mutalia (a notification or official letter), which was delivered to him by two of the prominent grandees (Ameers) of the empire. On his arrival at the door of the Hujra (the Caliph's cabinet) he was introduced into the presence by the Chamberlain. After he had made his obeisance, the Pontiff held a short conversation with him; he was then led to another room, to be robed in the usual dress of honour {tashrif). Returning to the Caliph's presence he kissed the hand and withdrew. On arrival at the gate a richly-caparisoned horse was brought to him. He then rode to his office at the Diwan, preceded by the great functionaries, the officers of the empire, the Ameers attached to the Court, the Caliph's servants, and the chamberlains of the Dewan. At the office he dismounted with great ceremony, and after he had taken his seat the proclamation of appointment was read.

The government of the Cahph was called ad-Diwan ul- Aziz. The grand vizier presided over the Board and received the designation of al- Vizier ud-Diwan ul-Aziz. The administrative machinery under the Abbassides, in its effective distribution of work and its control of detail, ranks with the best modern systems. The following were the principal departments of state : — the Diwan ul-Kharaj (Central Office of Taxes) or Department of Finance; the Dewan ud-Dia (Office of the Crown Property); the Dewan uz-Zimam (Audit or Accounts Office); the Diwan ul-Jund (War Office); the Diwan ul-Mawali wal Ghilman (Office for the Protection of Clients and Slaves), in which a register was kept of the freedmen and slaves of the Caliph, and whence their support was assigned to them; the Diwan ul-Barid (the Post Office); the Diwan uz-Zimam an-Nafakat (Household Expense Office); the Diwan ur- Rasail (Board of Correspondence or Chancery Office); the Diwan ut-Toukia (Board of Requests); the Dewan aan-nazr fil Mazalim (Board for the Inspection of Grievances); Diwan ul-Ahdas w’ash-Shurta (Militia and Police Office); and the Diwan ul-Aata ( Donation Office), analogous to the paymaster-general's department, charged with the payment of the regular troops. The protection of the interests of non-Moslems was entrusted to a special office, the head of which was called the Katib ul- Jihbazeh.

Besides these principal departments of state there were a few minor ones, administrative, political, and judicial. Among these, the Board of Government Grants, Diwan ul-Mukatiat, and the one charged with the supervision of canals, aqueducts, and irrigation works (Diwan ul-Akriha) deserve special notice. With all these offices there was far less bureaucratism and officialdom, if I may use the expression, under the Caliphs than in the Byzantine Empire, and the government carried its policy of non- interference with the concerns of separate communities sometimes to the extremest verge, to the detriment of its own interests. Each village, each town administered its own affairs, and the government only interfered when disturbances arose, or the taxes were not paid. It, however, maintained a close and strict supervision upon all matters which concerned agriculture. It superintended the construction and repairs of the canals and all irrigation works, upon which depended the crops and the revenues of the state. Abu Yusuf, the Chief Kazi of the empire under Rashid, in a letter addressed to the Caliph, emphasises the duty of government to build new canals at its own cost for the promotion of agriculture, and to cleanse and keep in repair the existing ones, the expense of maintenance and of distributing the waters being shared by the state and the recipients. He dwells on the necessity of an efficient river police, and of removing all hindrances to navigation upon the large rivers, particularly on the Tigris and Euphrates.

One of the most effective arrangements for improved administration was the introduction by the Caliph Mahdi of the Audit or Accounts Office {Dewan uz-Zimam) in the large centres. As under the Ommeyades the Central Taxation Office (Diwan ul-Kharaj) formed the most important Department of State. Its duty was to collect the taxes of the whole of Irak, the richest province of the empire, and to keep an account of the taxes in other provinces. The collection of the payments in kind was also included in its duties.

The Diwan ur-Rasail, or Chancery Office, was another important institution. The duties of the president of this bureau, who may be regarded as one of the principal Secretaries of State, was to draw up the imperial mandates, diplomas, letters patent, and political correspondence generally, and after these had been approved by the sovereign, or the vizier, to seal them in red wax with the pontifical seal bearing the Caliph's device. He also revised and corrected official letters, and sealed them himself. He attended the public audiences, where the Caliph heard the complaints or petitions of the people,

and took down the royal decision on the paper presented by the suitor; often in such cases a copy was given to the complainant whilst the original was kept in the state archives. From the nature of the work transacted in this office, and the style of the writing which was and has always been elaborately elegant, the secretaries and clerks were necessarily selected from among men of talent and education belonging to the higher classes of society. The next office in importance was the Dewan ut-Totikia, or Board of Requests. In this office, called under the Ommeyades the office of the Seal of State, the answers to memorials presented to the sovereign were drawn up; they were registered, marked with the royal letters, and sealed; and the motto of the Caliph, or averse from the Koran generally written on them before despatch.

In each provincial capital a postmaster (Sahib ul- Barid) was charged with the control of the postal establishment. He not only superintended the regular despatch of the imperial mails, but also kept the Caliph informed of all important occurrences. He was in fact a direct confidential agent of the central government, and periodically submitted confidential reports on the condition of the province, the working of the administration, the state of the peasantry and agriculture, the attitude of the local authorities, the condition of the mint and the amount of gold and silver coined. He also had to be present at the mustering and paying of the troops. Private letters were carried with the government despatches and safely delivered to the addressees, but it is difficult to say what private individuals had to pay for this boon. In Persia relays of horses and mules, in Arabia and Syria camels, were used for the conveyance of the mails. There were 930 stages in the whole empire, and the relays of animals at each stage must have been very numerous, as they were available upon proper payment for public use. A governor with all his retinue would travel to his appointed province by stages, and even troops were conveyed in that manner. The imperial mail horses bore distinctive marks, and could not be mistaken for private ones. The cost of feeding the animals, the purchase of new ones, the salary of the postmen and postal officials for Irak alone amounted to 154,000 dinars, about 2 million francs. Under the Ommeyade Caliph Hisham the postal expenditure in the province of Irak had amounted to four million dirhems. The Sahib ul-Barid, head of the postal department, had to lay the reports of the postmasters and other officers before the Caliph, and sometimes to make extracts from them. Besides this, he had in his hands the appointment of the postal officials in all the provincial towns, their general superintendence, and the payment of their salaries. Accurate postal directories containing the name of every station and their distance from one another were kept in the government offices. It is stated that the employment of pigeons for carrying news was known to the Greeks and the Romans but the earliest authentic record is found in the reign of Mutasim, when the news of the capture of Babek was carried to Bagdad by a carrier pigeon. After this pigeons were employed for regular postal work. In the reign of the Caliph Nasir li’din Illah they seem to have been in great requisition, and Nur ud-din Mahmud had regular establishments of carrier pigeons for military purposes in every important station.

Another department, but apparently connected with or subordinate to the war office, was the Diwan ul- Aarz or military inspection office. The arsenals were under a special officer who was called the Mushrif us-Sanaat bil Makhzan. Each government office was presided over by a director who was designated the Rais or Sadr and the practical work of control and supervision was carried on by inspectors, called Mushrifs, or Nazirs, The inspector of agriculture and irrigation bore the designation of Mushrif ul-Akriha; of taxes paid in kind, Mushrif ul-ikamat il-Makhzania of the government stores, Nazir ud-Diwan il-Mukatiat.

Besides these and other officers, there was a general controller, whose duty it was periodically to inspect the government offices and report in detail to the sovereign. He was called the Mushrif id-Muinlikat. The order of precedence among the different dignitaries seems to have been as follows; first came the Vizier, then the Hajib or Lord High Chamberlain, the presidents of the various boards, the Chief Kazi, the chief of the guards, the several secretaries, etc. The Hajib introduced foreign ambassadors, princes, and nobles into the imperial presence, and naturally exercised great influence.

Each city had its own special police, called the Shurta, under a chief who was designated the Sahib ush-Shurta. As under the Ommeyades, the Shurta, or city guards, were distinct from the municipal police, and were divided into groups according to the urban districts. To them was entrusted the protection of the person and property of the citizens, and they patrolled the city at night under the divisional commandants. The Shurta held military rank, and being always well paid were honest and zealous in their work. The office of commissary of police at Bagdad ranked almost as a governorship. Under Mamun the general Tahir held the post for some time until he sought for, and obtained the governorship of Khorasan. In later times the Sahib ush-Shurta occasionally assumed the position of vizier.

The municipal police was under a special officer called Muhtasib. This useful and important office was created by the Caliph Mahdi, and has existed ever since in Islamic countries. The Muhtasib was both superintendent of the markets and a public censor. He went through the city daily, accompanied by a detachment of subordinates, and assured himself of the due execution of the police orders, inspected the provisions, tested the weights and measures used by trades-people, and suppressed nuisances. Any attempt to cheat led to immediate punishment. Abu'l Hassan al-Mawardi, "the Hugo Grotius of Islamic public law," after describing the extent and limits of judicial and executive authority, says that the police (hisbat) stand half-way between judicial utterances and the application of executive force. "The duties of the police," says he, "are circumscribed within the limits imposed by law, to enforce what is incumbent and to prevent from committing what is forbidden when it comes into prominence."

A responsible syndicate was constituted from among the merchants themselves to supervise commercial transactions and repress frauds. The syndicate was either a corporation of merchants, or was composed of representatives from among their body. It was always presided over by one of their most influential and respected members, who was called ar-Rais ut-Tujjar. The syndics of the corporation were called Amins. Not only did each centre of commerce possess its corporation of merchants, but most cities of importance had their town councils {Diwan ush-Shura) composed of the notables of the place, and sometimes of nominees of the governor or sovereign, and presided over by an elected Sadr.

Self-government was specially fostered, and municipal institutions were protected and encouraged. The historian of Culture under the Caliphs justly observes that "fortunately the Moslem world had no absolute bureaucracy. The administration was as simple as possible and left entirely to the community; the only thing that the supreme power exacted was the correct payment of the taxes." To this I may add the preservation of irrigation works. As an example of this non-interference I would refer to the system pursued in Persia. Each town with its dependencies administered its own affairs, levied its own taxes, and paid the fixed revenue to the state. The governors were consulted when there arose any question of new taxation or dispute between a neighbouring town. These cities thus formed so many semi-independent principalities. Their position was almost similar to that of the free cities of Europe. Balkh, with its dependency, extended over ten leagues, and was defended by earth works thrown up all round it. Soghd, Samarkand, Herat, Bokhara, Khwarism, Rai, Hamadan, and other townships were as extensive. These municipalities had thus a great influence upon the culture of the nation. The central government merely nominated the deputy governor, generally chosen from the local patrician family, and the judges and other dignitaries. The office of deputy governor in these free towns was of such importance that sometimes it was given to princes of the royal blood.

As already mentioned how the Caliphs built caravanserais and rest-houses, and made cisterns along the whole route from Bagdad to Mecca and from Bagdad to other important centres, so that the pilgrims and caravans should find shelter in bad weather and get relief from the sufferings of thirst. In order to protect pilgrims from the depredations and attacks of the Bedouins, they also established the important office of a superintendent of the Hajis (Ameer ul-HaJJ), whose duty it was to accompany the pilgrims with a body of troops. The management and control of the nomadic tribes was entrusted to some prominent chief, who was called the Ameer ul-Arab and was responsible for their good conduct.

The administration of justice was a subject of extreme importance. All questions relating to civil rights among non-Moslems were left to the decision of their own religious heads or magistrates; among Moslems, to the Kazis. Each city had its own Kazi ; and in large towns there were several naib (deputy) Kazis. The Chief Kazi of Bagdad was called the Kazi ul-Kuzzat, and was in fact the chief judiciary of the empire. In order to assist the Kazis in the administration of justice, another class of officers was established analogous to the notaries public of modern times, who were called aadls.

Criminal justice was apparently in the hands of magistrates called Sahib ul-Mazalim. But the highest tribunal was the "Board for the inspection of grievances," ad- Diwan aan-Nazr fil Mazalim, which was presided over by the sovereign himself, or in his absence by one of his chief officers. The other members of this Board were the Chief Kazi, the Hajib, the principal secretaries of state, and some of the Muftis or jurisconsults especially invited to attend. The establishment of this Court was rendered necessary by the difficulty of executing the decrees of the Kazi when the defendant was of high rank or employed in the service of government. None dared disobey a citation before this Court, and none were powerful enough to escape its severity.

A regular High Court of Justice, however, was not established until the time of Nur ud-din Mahmud. He instituted for the first time the Dar ul-Aadl, locating in one place the different Courts, and organised and improved the judiciary, which had seriously deteriorated in the decline of the Caliphate. In Courts of Justice nobody could give evidence or witness any document unless he bore a good character. This wise provision, like all others framed by human ingenuity, often miscarried.

The province between the Euphrates and Tigris was the richest and most important in the whole empire, and being under the direct administration of the supreme government, particular attention was devoted to its agricultural development and prosperity. A network of canals lent fertility to the soil, and a complicated system of drainage works drained the marshy tracts. Mahdi built a canal in the Wasit district, which brought into cultivation a vast area of land. The Isa canal, built by an uncle of Mansur, extended from the Euphrates at Anbar to Bagdad, and ran into the Tigris in the western part of the town; it was navigable to big ships all the way. The Dujail canal, which branched from the main stream at Tikrit and had many off-shoots, was used for the purpose of irrigating the districts to the north of Bagdad. The districts east of the Tigris enjoyed the same agricultural facilities. These were not confined to any particular province; all over the empire the work of promoting agriculture and horticulture was regarded as areligious duty.

In those days Irak and Southern Persia presented, say the annalists, the appearance of a veritable garden, and the whole country, especially between Bagdad and Kufa, was covered with prosperous towns, flourishing villages, and fine villas. The mineral resources of the empire too were carefully examined and utilised. The iron mines of Khorasan, and the lead and silver mines in Kerman, were worked under competent overseers. Porcelain and marble were obtained from Tabriz; rock-salt and sulphur from Northern Persia; bitumen and naphtha from Georgia. Manufacture of every kind was fostered encouraged. The glass and soap manufactories of Bussorah were famous all over the civilised world; under Mutasim these manufactures acquired fresh impetus, for he opened new workshops at Bagdad, Samarra, and other important cities. He also established paper manufactories at different places, for which workmen and foremen were brought from Egypt, where the art of paper-making had flourished from ancient times. Royal factories for gold embroidery existed in all the principal towns of Persia, and the manufacture of silk, satin, brocade, carpets, etc., was maintained at a high standard by distinctive marks. In fact, the industrial progress of the Saracens is attested by the exquisite fabrics that were turned out from the innumerable looms of Persia, Irak, and Syria. Kufa was famous for its silk and half-silk kerchiefs for the head, which are still used in Western Asia and known as Kuffiyeh. Khuzistan (ancient Susiana) was also noted for its textile fabrics. The beautiful brocades of Tostar, the rich carpets of Korkub, and the silks and satins of Sus were in request all over the world. The other provinces were equally famous for their splendid manufactures. Susangird contained a royal factory for the gold embroidery of damask, camel-hair fabrics, and carpets. It also produced embroidered curtains made of spun silk (kazz) for the Sultan, and raw silk and camel and goat hair materials. Here were manufactured splendid cloaks of spun silk, considered superior to the striped woollen cloaks of Shiraz. The wealthy cities of Khorasan were active in the production of brocades, carpets, rugs, hangings, coverings for cushions, and woollen fabrics of all kinds. In short, every city in the empire had its own particular manufacture in metal, glass, wool, silk, or linen.Syria was famous for its manufacture of glass, and as early as the second century of the Hegira parti-coloured and enamelled glass was produced. The art of ornamenting it with gold and other colours was carried to perfection, and many famous pieces of ornamental crystal are mentioned by the old writers. One particular goblet from the treasury of the Fatimides was sold for 360 dinars. Sconces of glass with enamelled inscriptions in white and blue were hung up in the mosques and palaces, and vessels of every shape and description were in demand as articles of use or luxury.

The country was equally rich in raw produce; barley, wheat, rice, dates, and fruit of all kinds, also cotton, were grown in large quantities all over the empire. Fruit culture was pursued as a science with remarkably productive results. Ahwaz and Fars were noted for their sugar plantations and manufacture. The numerous refineries and factories which existed in these provinces supplied not only a great part of Asia but also Europe. Jundisapur was in those days the seat of the world-famed college of natural sciences, and the home of the most eminent physicists of the time. It is probable that this college gave an impetus to industry and commerce. The knowledge of sugar-refining certainly originated in that city, and was first applied and started in a commercial manner in Khuzistan itself, and from there, like many other arts, carried to Spain. The ordinary articles of export were barley, wheat, rice, fruit, the famous flowers of Mazendran, sugar, glass and hard-ware, silk, woollen and linen stuffs, oil and perfumes of all kinds, such as rose-water, saffron and lily-water, a perfume made of date blossoms, aromatic pomades, grape syrup, oil of violets, etc. The imports consisted of spices and drugs from India and the Archipelago, sandalwood, precious stones and jewellery, bamboo, ebony, and ivory. Farsistan was rich in minerals; it had salt, silver, iron, lead, sulphur, and naphtha mines. Silver was also found in the neighbourhood of Yezd.

The revenues of the empire were derived from (i) the land tax ; (2) tithes or income tax {ushr, zakat, sadakat);(3) the fifth of the produce of mines and pasturage; (4) the tax on non-Moslems (in lieu of military service);(5) customs dues; (6) salt and fishery tax; (7) tax paid by shopkeepers for the use of public places, in other words, for erecting shops or putting up stalls in the streets and squares;(8) tax upon mills and factories;(9) tax upon conveyances and luxuries; and (10) tax upon imports. Wasik, however,abolished the tax upon imports with a view to reviving maritime trade.

" All this proves," says von Kremer, "that the financiers of those days were no fools, as one might think." The peasantry were an object of great solicitude to the Abbasside sovereigns, and every effort was made to lighten their burdens. Mansur abolished the payment of the wheat and oat tax in money, and introduced the Mukasimeh system, viz. of paying the taxes in kind according to a certain percentage of the crop. Upon the less important cultivations and for date palms and fruit trees, the old system of levying the tax in money was continued. As this led to extortion on the part of the revenue collectors, Mahdi extended the application of the rule introduced by his father, and directed that in every case the tax should be levied in proportion to the actual out-turn. If the lands were peculiarly fertile and required no labour, the cultivator gave to the government half the crops; if the watering of the ground was difficult and expensive, one-third; where it was still harder only one-fourth, and sometimes even one-fifth. In taxing vineyards, date-groves, orchards, and such like, the crops were valued in money, and the rates calculated at half or one-third the sum. This system of taxation was called the productive rate system (Mukasinieh) in contradiction to the older system which was based upon measurement {Muhasibeh).

In the year 204 a.h. (819-20 a.c.) Mamun introduced a further reduction in the land tax, by which even in case of the most fertile lands the produce-rates were fixed at two-fifths of the whole instead of half. But in Babylonia, Chaldaea, Irak, Mesopotamia, and Persia there were numerous landowners and peasant freeholders whose rents were permanently fixed upon the basis of agreements entered into at the time of the Conquest. No variation could be made in the tax leviable from them, and they were thus protected from all harassment. The same boon was enjoyed by the village communities of Northern Persia and Khorasan. There were thus three methods of taxing the land: — 1st, by measurement(Muhasibeh) with fixed amounts in money or kind or both; 2nd, according to the produce, payment being made in kind (Mukasidieh); 3rd, according to a fixed settlement based upon leases or agreements between the government and private people (called Mukatieh). The last class contained most of the crown-lands. Remissions of taxes were frequent even under the hardest reigns. For example, Mutazid remitted a quarter's tax by postponing the financial year from the middle of March to June 17. Later, a further remission appears to have been granted by a fresh postponement to July 21. When we bear in mind the flourishing state of the empire, the prosperous condition of the peasantry, the briskness of trade and commerce, we do not feel surprised at the account that the annual revenue of Rashid was 272 million dirhems and four and a half millions of dinars, or that Mamun's daily expense was 6000 dinars.

Simultaneously with the annexation of Syria, the Saracens had to take steps to guard the northern frontiers of the acquired territories against the destructive inroads of the Byzantines. The work was begun in the Caliph Omar's time and was continued throughout the Ommeyade rule; but it was only systematically undertaken when Mansur ascended the throne. The most important strategical points, such as Tarsus, Adana, Massisia (Mopsuesta), Maraash (Germanicia), Malatia (Melitene), which were situated at the junction of high-roads or at the end of mountain passes through which alone large forces could debouch, were occupied and held by strong garrisons. In 133 a.h. (750-51 a.c.) Malatia was rased to the ground by the Byzantines. In 139 a.h. Mansur rebuilt the place and garrisoned it with 4000 men who occupied commodious barracks and received special pay, every soldier receiving besides rations 10 dinars over and above his usual allowance of 100 dinars a year. Mansur built castles at Hadat in Cilicia, at Zibatra (the Zapetron of the Byzantines), at Laodicia, and several other places in Phrygia and Cappadocia. Rashid fortified Maraash and raised Tarsus, the ancient town on the Cydnus, from its ruins, and placed strong garrisons there. In the neighbourhood of Maraash he erected the castle of Hartanieh ; whilst the Empress Zubaida rebuilt Iskanderun (Alexandretta). One of the measures adopted by Rashid for

the security of the frontiers has been already described. He constituted the marches that had formerly belonged to the military district of Kinnisrin into a separate province which comprised Antioch, Membij (Bambace or Hierapolis), Duluk (Doleche), Kuris (Cyrrhoes), etc., and organised it on a military basis; troops were placed at all the important points, and numerous new fortifications and block-houses were erected. The troops stationed in these parts, besides their fixed pay, received rations and gratuities. They were required to keep their arms, accoutrements, and horses in good order. Often plots of land were allotted to them and their families for cultivation. This system was continued by Mamun and Mutasim. In order to revivify the tracts laid waste and depopulated by the continuous raids of the Greeks, and to strengthen the Moslem population, whole tribes were transplanted from the distant provinces to this border-land.

The history of the border towns clearly represents the changeable phases in the development of these two powers, which were for centuries engaged in a deadly strife. There is perhaps no place in the world, not even excepting the borders of the Rhine, or the plains of Lombardy, where every spot has been so saturated with blood, every foot of which has been so bitterly quarrelled over as these marches between Syria and Asia Minor. Under the more vigorous and capable sovereigns of the Ommeyade dynasty the Arabs had spread their sway and carried their arms into the interior of Cilicia and Cappadocia. Under Yezid II. and his feeble successors the Byzantines had recovered their lost ground. Upon the accession of the Abbassides the empire gained fresh strength and they soon won back the border towns. Byzantine raids and violations of treaty compelled the Caliphs every summer to set in motion a large army. Sometimes these annual movements {as-Saifeh) developed into campaigns; at other times they simply remained as annual manoeuvres. But the system of fortified watch-posts (ribat) was not confined to Cilicia or the Syrian borders. In Transoxiana, Georgia, and Armenia the same system was pursued, and block-houses were maintained in every defensible position.

On active service the army consisted of two classes of soldiers, the regulars, who were in the pay of government, and volunteers, who joined from a sense of duty and who only received rations whilst in the field. During their absence from home, their women and children received gratuities either in kind or in money. The regulars included different classes of arms. The infantry (Harbieh) were armed with lance, spears, swords and shields; the archers (Ramieh) had swords and shields, as well as bows and arrows. The foot-soldiers wore helmets and breast-plates, and their arms and legs were protected by iron sheaths. To each corps was attached a body of naphtha-firemen (Naffatin) ,who shot at the enemy with naphtha or Greek-fire, or with fire-balls specially prepared; and a company of sappers who carried spades in addition to their swords and shields. The firemen were protected, it is said, with fire-proof suits in which they could penetrate with impunity into the burning ruins of the enemy's strongholds. A corps was generally composed of 10,000 men, and was commanded by an Ameer or general. The Kaid was at the head of a battalion of 1000 men; whilst the captain of a company of 100 soldiers was called a Nakib (centurion); over ten men was the Aarif (decurian). The troops were uniformed according to their corps and arms. Under Mutawwakil all the regulars were given light brown cloaks, and were required to wear their sword according to Persian fashion buckled round the waist.

A specialcorps, composed principally of foreign soldiers, formed the imperial guard.  They received higher pay and wore splendid uniforms. Mutasim arrayed his body-guard in damask with gold girdles.

Besides the imperial guard there was another body of men occupying apparently a somewhat inferior position, who were called the household troops. In later times the corps d' elite received the name of Jandar.

The aides-de-camp were called, under the Abbassides, al-ghilman ul-hujaria ("boys of the chamber "). They were the Caliph's pages, but those who were grown up also acted as aides-de-camp. These youths received their education at Court, and after a careful training in military exercises, they were taken into service. They had separate barracks, where they lived under a discipline, partly conventual and partly military. A selected staff of engineers  accompanied the army in all its movements; and a number of these officers were stationed at every fortress and city. The chief of the engineers was called the Ameer ul-Man- Janikin. They generally commenced their career in the regular army (Jund) and afterwards were posted to their own special corps, or stationed at places to which they were appointed. One of the ablest of these engineers was Yakub bin Sabir al-Manjaniki (the engineer). He, like the others, commenced his career by serving in the regular army, and became chief of the engineers stationed at Bagdad. He was noted both for his studies and his military exercises, and won renown by his pen as well as his sword. He composed a work on engineering which is called Umdat ul-Masalik. Of this work, Ibn Khallikan speaks thus: "It treats of everything relating to war — the order of battle, the taking of fortresses, the building of castles, horsemanship, engineering, the blockading of strongholds, of sieges, equestrian exercises, war-horses, the management of all sorts of arms, the construction of military engines, close fighting, the different sorts of cavalry, and the qualities of horses."

During operations in the field the army was accompanied by a staff of physicians and a well-supplied Petals and hospital, to which were attached ambulances for the lances, wounded in the shape of litters carried by camels. The field-hospital of Rashid and Mamun required a large number of camels and mules for the carriage of tents, stores, and medicines. Even in later times, under less important sovereigns, such as Sultan Mahmud the Seljuk, the army hospital requisites amounted to forty camel- loads.

Depots of arms and arsenals for their manufacture were established in every important station. These were frequently inspected by officers of experience and position. The cavalry had the same equipment as under the Ommeyades, viz. swords, battle-axes, and lances, and were almost always clad in mail with iron helmets. To each corps was attached a body of mounted archers, either Khorasani, or North Persian, who were noted in ancient times for shooting from horseback.Iron stirrups were introduced as early as the time of Abdul Malik by the famous al-Muhallib.

As already mentioned every able-bodied Arab was liable to military duty. In the majority of cases the reservists joined their colours, not only willingly, but with alacrity, but when that failed, conscription was resorted to, and Hajjaj once made wholesale use of this at Bussorah.

The decline of the military power of the Saracens really commenced in the reign of Muktadir, and was brought about prmcipally by a change m the system of payment to the soldiers. Henceforth the troops did not receive their pay directly from the Imperial treasury, but from the governors, or divisional commanders, to whom certain provinces were assigned for the purpose. This change was, in fact, due to the depleted state of the exchequer. Some of the provinces yielded no revenue; others only a fraction of what they had previously contributed. With an extravagant and luxurious Court, it was impossible to meet the state expenditure with the normal receipts. Muktadir accordingly conferred provinces on his nobles on condition that they should collect the whole income on their own account, discharge therewith the expenses of administration, pay the troops, and remit a certain sum annually to the Court at Bagdad. These grants were called Iktiat. This insane policy had its natural result in the rapid dissolution of the empire.

The Buyides instead of pay gave the soldiers land. These military grants were free from every tax, and the produce belonged to the grantees, i.e. the officers and soldiers. "The consequence of this was, that civilisation receded, and the richest and the most productive provinces were soon impoverished and depopulated. The Arabian nation was gradually ejected from the possession of the land by foreigners." Just before the commencement of the Crusades, the political and social condition of Western Asia was identical in many respects with that of Europe. It was divided into a number of small states and feudal principalities which acknowledged the Caliph as their religious head. Without any solidarity of interest, frequently opposed to each other, they weakened the empire by their selfish rivalries and ambitions.

Under the Seljuks the military feudal system developed still further. Every member of the ruling family, every Ameer, received a grant of a town or district over which he ruled with absolute power, and exercised all the functions of a feudal lord (Sahib ul-Maakal). The seignior paid the Sultan a yearly tribute, and in time of war marched into the field under the Sultan's banner with a fixed number of soldiers, which he equipped and supported at his own expense. In Irak alone there were forty such seigniories. Few were held by Arab families. This military feudal system was introduced wherever the Turks and Tartars, who now figured as the conquering and ruling nation throughout Western Asia, unfurled their victorious flag — into Egypt and western Africa, into Persia and India, and finally even across the Bosphorus into Eastern Europe. In Turkey it fell into disuse after the reforms of Sultan Mahmud and the establishment of a regular army.

Under the 0mmeyyades the average pay of an infantry soldier was 1000 dirhems a year. Saffah seems to have reduced this to eighty dirhems a month. The cavalry soldier received double this amount, with periodical gratuities like his brother-in-arms. But the pay of the troops seems to have varied according to the provinces where they were stationed. For example, Mamun gave to his foot-soldiers in Irak - twenty dirhems a month, besides rations; to the mounted soldiers, forty dirhems and the usual allowances; whilst in the military division of Damascus they received forty and one hundred dirhems respectively. The causes which led to a reduction in the pay of the soldiery in the later times were of a twofold character; first, the appreciation of gold, and second, the vast recruiting grounds which the wide extension of the empire placed at the disposal of the Caliph. The great democratic principle that every alien who embraced Islam was placed on the same level as the pure-bred Arab in the enjoyment of political and civil rights, helped in the diffusion of the faith. Another method of attaching members of the conquered races to the ruling nation was equally effective. It was the system of wala or clientage. A Persian, Greek, Berber, or Sclavonian was immediately, upon the adoption of Islam, received into the confederacy of some one of the great Arabian tribes, or became a client of some prominent man, or even perhaps of the reigning family, and according to the principle of wala, came to stand in direct relation to the patron. Hence the later Caliphs were not restricted for their fighting materials to the military clans of the Peninsula. Varangians, Franks, Persians, Greeks, Africans, Berbers, attracted by the love of pay, flocked to their standard. But this, whilst it opened a large field for recruiting, destroyed the old esprit de corps.

These mercenaries were unreliable, and the dissolving influence of their presence in the army made itself felt under the weaker sovereigns. Under Mansur the army consisted of three large divisions: (1) the Modharites,(2) the Himyarites, and (3) the Persians. To these Mutasim added a fourth corps, composed of Turkomans and Africans. From the earliest times the army in the field, as on the march, was composed of five divisions ; (1) the Military centre {Kalb), where the general in command was usually formation, posted; (2) the right wing {Maisareh); (3) the left wing (Maimaneh; (4) the vanguard {Talieh), and (5) the rear- guard {Sakeh). In marching, the vanguard, consisting of light cavalry in gleaming coats of mail and shining helmets of steel, with their long lances surmounted by bunches of black ostrich feathers, was always several miles ahead of the main body. Scouting was well known. Kotaiba employed his scouts not only for reconnoitring, but also for making maps of the countries on the line of advance; and this became the practice from his time. Every general either prepared his own maps by means of the scouts, or obtained them from head-quarters.

The sight of an Arab army, winding its way across the enemy's territory in endless columns, must have been overwhelmingly grand. In front marched the heavy cavalry, flanked by large bodies of archers, who ran almost as fast as the others rode. Behind them came the infantry moving in dense masses and with splendid regularity. In their midst went the long rows of camels, carrying provisions, tents, and ammunition, while the ambulances or stretchers for the sick and wounded, and the war machinery, such as mangonels, catapults, etc., packed on camels, mules, and horses, followed in the rear. If the Caliph, or one of the princes, happened to be with the army the scene was still more imposing. The bright uniforms of the body-guard, the standards with the imperial device embroidered in gold, the generals and chiefs in their magnificent attire, made a brilliant picture. The vanguard, immediately on arrival at the appointed place of encampment, threw up entrenchments, for an Arab army never encamped at any place without taking every precaution against sudden attacks. When the main army arrived tents were put up in regular order with streets, markets, and squares as in an ordinary town. There was no confusion and no disorder; rations were distributed, camp-fires were soon alight, kettles boiled, and after the simple evening meal, and the Isha prayers, led by the Caliph, or, in his absence, the Kazi ul-Aaskar, the people formed rings, and listened to stories of war and adventure, or to the recitations of their ancient poems, accompanied by flute or violin. Not till the stars were beginning to set did stillness and rest spread over the camp and its inhabitants.

The oldest formation of the Arabian troops was in of the lines, the troops being closely ranged in simple or double lines, both for purposes of attack and defence. By the time of Merwan II. a great development had taken place in the system of fighting, and attacks were delivered and received in solid, compact bodies. This was the mode adopted on both sides at the battle of the Zab. The next great battle, of which a description is given by Ibn ul-Athir, took place on the field of Nasibin, in which Abu Muslim crushed Abdullah bin Ali. The tactical skill of the Khorasani general on this occasion, and the manner in which he employed his troops show the military advance of the Saracenic nation. Posted on an eminence, he watched the fight, giving orders, remedying defects, making dispositions by means of messengers or aides-de-camp, who were constantly going to and fro between him and the divisional officers. When receiving an attack, squares were formed by the infantry; they planted their long lances in front inclined towards the enemy, and knelt on one knee, with the shield before them resting on the ground, and waited thus behind the improvised chevaux de frise, ready to receive the enemy with the thrusting spears. The position of the archers was just behind the heavy infantry, whilst at the back and on the flanks were posted the cavalry. On the approach of the enemy, the archers delivered tremendous volleys of arrows, whilst the infantry, immovable in their places, used their spears. At the same time, the cavalry burst forth through the intermediate space, and charged the advancing foe. The victories of the Saracens were often won in this way. The moment the enemy was perceived to be fallmg back, the thrust was carried home by a forward movement of the main force or reserves. The pursuit was ahways conducted by the cavalry and mounted archers. In an attack similar formation and tactics were observed.

The great superiority of the Saracens over the neighbouring nations consisted not only in their military organisation, but also in the celerity of their movements. Whilst the Greeks dragged their baggage and commissariat in wagons drawn by mules, donkeys, and horses, the Arabs mostly employed camels. Hence marches were made, and troops, provisions, baggage, ammunition, etc. were transported with surprising rapidity. In fact, remarks a modern historian, the Arabs conquered Syria by the camel. When long distances were to be traversed, the infantry were also provided with horses or camels; often on short, forced marches each horseman took a foot-soldier up behind him. We have an interesting account of the mihtary tactics of the Saracens from an enemy. Leo VI. surnamed the Wise, a contemporary of Mutamid, Mutazid, Muktafi, and Muktadir, when the Arab empire had already lost its greatness and strength, speaks with some degree of admiration of " the barbarians," whom he professes to despise. Their battle-order, he says, was invariably a long square, and consequently difficult to attack, and affording the greatest advantages for defence. This order was strictly preserved, both on the march as well as in battle. The Saracens held their position firmly and unshakably, so that they should not be tempted to attack hastily, nor to end quickly a fight once commenced. They generally preferred to wait for attack, but as soon as they saw the first attack was repulsed, they advanced with all forces. They employed these means both by land and sea. First they shot at the enemy with spears and arrows, then closed their shields tightly one against the other, and in serried ranks commenced the attack. In warfare the Saracens distinguished themselves above all nations for their circumspection and excellent arrangement. They went to war of their own free will, not forced by conscription. The rich joined to fight for their country and to die for it; the poor for booty's sake. Their countrymen gave them arms, and men as well as women eagerly contributed towards providing the poor and indigent with weapons.

Von Kremer in his "Culture under the Caliphs" remarks upon this that "the emperor evidently did not think the Saracens, whom he calls barbarians and unbelievers, were far above the decayed Byzantines in culture, that, at that time, they represented progress and civilisation." And he goes on to add, "many things prove how much more the Byzantines deserved the name of barbarians, which they gave to others. We learn from Leo, that they shot at the Saracens, especially at the cavalry, with poisoned arrows, and as the latter loved their horses more than their own lives, they frequently preferred retreat to allowing their horses to be killed with poisoned shafts. Pillaging and burning the enemy's villages was a Byzantine regulation, whilst the Arabs permitted it with great restriction." "With regard to booty the Byzantines possessed no regulations, but the religious laws of the Moslems had prescribed rigid principles, which were generally strictly observed so long as the old rules were not shaken. The moral superiority of the Arabs over the Greeks is evidenced by the foregoing passage respecting the voluntary military service of the Saracens." The use of zarebas was by no means infrequent, when the general had only light cavalry under his command. The troops formed a zareba of baggage, and if the first charge failed, generally retreated behind this defence to reform and make a fresh attack on the enemy.

In mountain warfare the Saracens were great adepts. The operations of Afshin, in the campaign against Babek, appear to have been planned with care and conducted with skill. The rebels knew the use of breastworks, and they hurled huge rocks on their assailants from the mountain-tops. Afshin cleared the heights by his archers and stones thrown from the mangonels; and afterwards occupied them with his troops, and thus gradually advanced into the heart of the enemy's country. The siege machinery of the Saracens consisted of the ballista and catapults (Manjik), and the tortoise (testudo, dabbabah), with which the walls were battered. They made the thrusting-machine so strong that the blocks of rock thrown flew in a straight line against the walls and penetrated them.

About the middle of the thirteenth century the Arabs introduced the use of gunpowder, and Sultan Baibars, who overthrew the Tartars at Ain-Jalut, had a body of arquebusiers in his army. With the conquest of Syria and Egypt a long stretch of sea-board had come into the Saracenic power; and the creation and maintenance of a navy for the protection of the maritime ports as well as for meeting the enemy became a matter of vital importance. Great attention was therefore paid to the manning and equipment of the fleet (asatil). The sailors were at first drawn from the Phoenician towns, whose inhabitants were famous for their daring voyages. Afterwards they were recruited from Syria, Egypt, and the coasts of Asia Minor. In 28 a.h. Cyprus was occupied by troops landed by a fleet; and in 34 a.h. the governor of Egypt, with a fleet of 200 ships, defeated the Byzantines, who had borne down on him as he lay on the Lycian coast with an array of 600 vessels. The Saracens accepted the fight unflinchingly, but seeing that they would succumb if they fought ship by ship, they hastened to bring about a hand-to-hand fight between the men. They caught the enemy's vessels with grappling-irons, drew them up alongside, and rushed upon the Greeks with spear and sword. A sanguinary struggle was followed by a brilliant victory. The Byzantine fleet was shattered, and the prince, who was in command, barely escaped with his life. From this time the naval tactics of the Saracens were to avoid all manoeuvring and close with the enemy as soon as possible. Ship-building was carried on in the dockyards of almost all the Syrian and Egyptian sea-ports, as also at Obolla and Bushire on the Persian Gulf. The Arabian ships were of a larger size than the Byzantine, but probably not so fast in sailing capacity.

The mercantile navy was equally efficient, and maritime trade was fostered and encouraged. Almost every sea-port possessed a lighthouse, called Khashab. It appears that the fleet consisted not only of ships that the government had built for war purposes, but every province or sea-port was bound to produce a certain number of crafts when the state issued the order. This was especially the case under the Fatimides in Egypt, and the same practice was followed by Saladin. The fleet of the Spanish Caliphs was similarly collected from all the ports of the empire. Each warship was commanded by a captain {kaid or mukaddam), who was in command of the marines on board, and looked after their exercise and equipment; while a second officer, called a rais exclusively devoted himself to the navigation. The general in command of the fleet was called the Ameer ul-Ma, or Ameer ul-Bahr from which the word "admiral" is derived.