Accession of Harun ar-Rashid — His character — Glorious reign — The Barmekides — Grant of autonomy to Ifrikia — Affairs in Asia — Arrangement for the succession to the Caliphate — Amin and Mamun made successors — Division of the Empire — Fall of the Barmekides — An Arab Joan of Arc — The Roman war — Treachery of Nicephorus — His defeat — A fresh treaty — Byzantine breach of faith — Its result — Rashid's death — Ascension of Amin — His character — Declares war against Mamun — Tahir defeats Amin's troops — Siege of Bagdad — Mamun acknowledged as Caliph at Mecca and Medina — Amin's death.
Upon the death of his brother, Harun ascended the throne in accordance with the bequest of Mahdi ; and Jaafar, the young son of Hadi, resigned all claims to the succession.
The reign of Rashid, as he is henceforth called in history, ushers in the most brilliant period of Saracenic rule in Asia. The stories of the Arabian Nights have lent a fascination to the name of the remarkable Caliph who was wont to roam the streets of -Bagdad by night to remedy injustice, and to relieve the oppressed and destitute. The real man, however, stripped of all the glamour of romance, deserves well the admiration of posterity as indisputably one of the greatest rulers of the world. Faithful in the observance of his religious duties, abstemious in his life, unostentatiously pious and charitable, and yet fond of surrounding himself with the pomp and insignia of grandeur, he impressed his personality on popular imagination,and exercised a great influence by his character on society. A soldier by instinct and training, he repeatedly took the field himself; he frequently traversed his dominions in every direction to repress lawlessness and to acquaint himself with the condition of his subjects, personally inspected the frontiers and passes, and never spared himself trouble or labour in the work of government The perfect immunity from danger with which traders, merchants, scholars, and pilgrims journeyed through the vast empire testify to the excellence and vigour of his administration. The mosques, colleges, and schools, the hospitals, dispensaries, caravanserais, roads, bridges, and canals with which he covered the countries under his sway, speak of his lively interest in the welfare of his people. As a patron of arts and literature, Rashid was surpassed by his equally brilliant and gifted son; but in strength of character and grandeur of intellect he has no superior. And although his reign, unlike Mamun's, was not altogether free from the evils which often spring from the possession by one individual of unlimited and irresponsible power, the general prosperity of the people, and the unprecedented progress made in his reign in arts and civilisation, make amends for many of the sins of despotism.
The glory and renown of Rashid's administration are mostly due to the wisdom and ability of the men to whom he entrusted the government of the empire for the first seventeen years of his reign. As already mentioned the distinguished position which Khalid bin Barmek occupied under Saffah and Mansur. His son Yahya, at one time governor of Armenia, was entrusted by Mahdi with the education of Rashid. When his ward had attained majority and had been nominated successor to the Caliphate, he was made his counsellor and vizier, Rashid called him "father" as a mark of affection, and always deferred to his counsel and advice, which were invariably for the good of the young prince and the subjects whom he was deputed to rule. Accordingly, the moment he came to the throne, Rashid appointed Yahya as the Vizier of the empire, and vested him with absolute power. Yahya's administration was wise, firm, and benevolent; no detail was neglected, and the well-being of the people was made a primary duty. His sons, Fazl, Jaafar, Musa, and Mohammed, were also men of great ability, and possessed of administrative capacity of the highest order. Fazl had successively held the governorships of Khorasan and Egypt, and had brought about the submission of Yahya bin Abdullah, who had succeeded in making himself the sovereign of Deilem (the northern part of ancient Media). Jaafar likewise had been governor of various important provinces, and when the old feud between Modhar and Himyar broke out afresh in Syria, was employed in bringing about peace between the rival tribes. Later on when, owing to old age, Yahya resigned the vizierate, Jaafar was entrusted with the office, the duties of which he discharged with signal success. For seventeen years this remarkable and gifted family governed the empire of Rashid with fidelity. Their sudden fall furnishes an instructive lesson in the workings of intrigue under despotism.
But the period which is being mentioned, the Barmekides were at the zenith of their glory. Mauritania had, as we have already seen, broken away from the Abbasside empire. Several attempts were made Africa, by the governors of Ifrikia to reconquer Western Africa, but they all ended in failure. Ifrikia was held by Yezid bin Haithem Muhallibi until his death in 170 a.h. Troubles then broke out, which were suppressed by his brother Ruh, whom Rashid appointed governor in 171 A.H. He died after having successfully governed the province several years. A mutiny among the troops against Ruh's son led Rashid to send a noted general named Harsama to quell the rebellion. Order was restored, and Harsama held the office for nearly three years. Upon his resignation Rashid appointed an officer who proved himself wholly incapable of governing this unruly province. Up to this time Ifrikia, instead of yielding any revenue, had been a constant drain on the resources of the empire, and a sum of 100,000 dinars had to be remitted annually from the revenues of Egypt to defray the expenses of the Ifrikian government. Ibrahim, the son of Aghlab, offered to Rashid, if the office was bestowed permanently on him and his family, not only to restore peace and order in the province, but, instead of asking for any contribution from the imperial treasury, to remit annually to Bagdad 40,000 dinars. Harsama, who knew the character of the province and the difficulties of the government, advised Rashid to accept Ibrahim's offer. Ibrahim was accordingly appointed governor of Ifrikia, and the office was made hereditary in his family subject to investiture and confirmation by the sovereign upon each succession. Henceforth Ifrikia became an autonomous principality.
In Asia, the government was conducted with vigour, and without difficulty, on settled lines. In 171 a.h. the whole of Kabul and Sanhar was annexed to the empire, and the frontier extended as far as the Hindoo Kush. At the same time Rashid separated the Marches of Asia Minor from the ordinary governorship, and under the name of Aawdsim, placed them under the control of a special military governor. Tarsus in Cilicia was repopulated, and converted into a strong fortress.
Khaizuran, the mother of Rashid, died two years later, and in her Yahya bin Khalid lost an ally who had materially helped to maintain his wise and noble influence over the young sovereign. Immediately on his accession, Rashid had restored to his mother all the privileges which she had enjoyed under Mahdi, and of which she had been deprived by Hadi; and her palace had again become the resort, as in her husband's reign, of courtiers and grandees. Shortly after the death of Khaizuran, Rashid took the imperial signet from Yahya, and entrusted it to Fazl bin Rabii, the chamberlain who now begins to figure prominently in the history of the time.
In 175 A.H., under the pressure of the Empress Zubaida and her brother, Isa bin Jaafar, backed by the entire Abbasside clan, Rashid nominated his son Mohammed, who was then only five years of age, his successor to the Caliphate, under the title of al-Amin (the Trusty). Seven years later, another son, Abdullah, was made heir presumptive, and it was directed that the throne should go to him on the demise of Mohammed al-Amin. Abdullah received the title of al-Mamun (the Trusted). And subsequently a third son, Kasim, under the title of al- Motamin was given the succession after Mamun. The three sons, during their lives, were to hold the empire in parts; the West was to be under the control of Amin, the East under that of Mamun, whilst Mesopotamia and the Marches were to belong to Kasim. Rashid relied so entirely on the judgment and fidelity of Mamun that he vested him with the power of removing Kasim from the succession if he thought proper. Mamun was confided to the tuition of Jaafar bin Yahya, whilst Kasim was entrusted to the care of Abdul Malik bin Saleh, a cousin of the Caliph. In 186 A.H. Rashid made a pilgrimage to Mecca, accompanied by Amin and Mamun, and deposited in the Kaaba two documents executed by the brothers respectively, binding themselves in solemn terms to abide by the arrangement made by their father. The one by Amin, whose weak and uncertain character was already becoming apparent to the father, is given in full by Ibn ul-Athir, and shows the anxiety of Rashid to bind him by the most serious pledges not to violate his covenant with his brother.
The Empress Zubaida's notable visit to Hijaz, memorials which are still existing, was made in the same year. Finding that the inhabitants of Mecca suffered greatly from scarcity of water, she constructed at her own expense the famous aqueduct, which bears her name and which has proved an inestimable blessing to the city.
In 183 A.H. the wild hordes of the Khazars, instigated by the Greeks with whom they were on terms of amity, again burst into Armenia from the north. Their atrocities and the devastations they caused are described as unheard-of and unparalleled. Rashid despatched two of his best generals for the punishment of the barbarians; and the chastisement inflicted appears to have been terrible and severe.
In the same year the apostolical Imam Musa al-Kazim died. Ibn ul-Athir says he received this title for his gentleness and patience, and "for always returning good for evil." He was greatly venerated in Medina; and Rashid, who had inherited some of his grandfather's suspicious nature, apprehensive that this saint would raise a revolt against him, had brought Musa with him from Hijaz to Bagdad. Here he was entrusted to the wardship of the sister of Sindi ibn Shahik, the governor of the Bastille, "a virtuous woman," says the historian, who tended her prisoner with respect and devotion. Twice did Rashid, conscience-stricken, bid the harmless saint go back to his home at Medina, and as often allowed his suspicion to master the goodness of his heart. The health of the Imam at last gave way, and he died in the house of the lady who had been his jailor for some years. He was succeeded in the apostolical chair by his son Ali, surnamed ar-Raza (the Agreeable),probably the most accomplished scholar and thinker of his day.
The year 187 a.h. is noted for the event which has not only dimmed the lustre of Rashid's reign, but must have darkened his future life with remorse, and the consciousness of ingratitude. For seventeen years the family of Barmek had served the monarch, with unswerving fidelity and extraordinary ability. The people were prosperous and happy, the empire had grown rich and strong, national wealth had increased, and the arts of civilised life were cultivated everywhere. But their grandeur and magnificence, their benefactions and lavish charity, which made them the idols of the masses, raised a host of enemies, who were determined by every means in their power to bring about their ruin. Many causes have been assigned for the fate which eventually overtook them.
Ibn Khaldun has exammed the legends and stories that were circulated at the time, and which have been adopted by some historians to explain Rashid's conduct towards this gifted family. He ridicules as baseless fiction the story of the marriage of Jaafar bin Yahya with Rashid's sister. The true cause of the fall of the Baramika, he says, is to be found "in the manner in which they seized upon all authority, and assumed the absolute disposition of the public revenue. Their influence was unlimited, and their renown had spread in every direction. All the high offices of state, civil as well as military, were filled by functionaries chosen from their family, or from among their partisans. All faces were turned towards them; all heads inclined in their presence; on them alone rested the hopes of applicants and candidates; they showered their bounties on all sides, in every province of the empire, in the cities as well as in the villages; their praises were sung by all, and they were far more popular than their master. All this raised against them the hatred of the courtiers and the grand dignitaries of the empire ; "and the scorpions of calumny came to wound them on the bed of repose on which they rested under the shadow of the imperial throne." Their most inveterate enemy, Fazl bin Rabii, the chamberlain, seized every opportunity, and from his position he had many, to poison Rashid's mind against the Barmekides, and he had allies who in their burning jealousy forgot, as Ibn Khaldun observes, even the ties of relationship. It was whispered to Rashid that the Baramika were plotting for the downfall of the Banu Abbas. The faithful services of generations were forgotten in the blind fury of suspicion and despotic anger, influenced by persistent calumny.
Suddenly one night the order issued for the execution of Jaafar the Vizier, and the imprisonment of old Yahya and his other sons, Fazl (the foster-brother of Rashid), Musa and Mohammed. Jaafar was put to death by Masrur, the attendant who accompanied Rashid and his vizier in his nightly rounds through the city; the others were confined at Rakka (ancient Nicephorium), and their property was confiscated. At first they were not subjected to hardships, their servants were allowed to wait on them in prison, and their comforts were attended to. A year later Abdul Malik bin Saleh was accused by his secretary, as well as his son, of plotting against the crown, and was thrown into prison. It was alleged that the Barmekides, if not accomplices, were cognisant of his plot. This led Rashid to treat both his prisoners with harshness, and they were now deprived of the attentions hitherto shown to them. The old and faithful Yahya died in prison in 190 a.h. And his accomplished Barmeki son Fazl followed him to the grave three years later.
Musa and Mohammed appear to have been released after the death of their father; but Abdul Malik remained in prison until the accession of Amin, who released him and made him governor of Syria. When Mamun came to the throne, he restored to the Barmekides their properties as well as their dignities.
The Kharijis as usual rebelled several times in this reign, but their risings were suppressed without difficulty. One of these insurrections is remarkable for the appearance of a young girl named Laila as the leader of the zealots. The revolt was begun by her brother Walid, son of Tarif. When he fell she assumed the command, and repeatedly gave battle to Rashid's troops, until a
relative who commanded the imperial forces induced her to lay down her arms, and return to a more maidenly life. This Arab Joan of Arc was noted for her beauty and accomplishment as a poet.
The riotous conduct of the people of Mosul led Rashid to demolish the walls of their city as a punishment down. Damascus was harassed by Modharite and Himyarite strifes. For a time Rashid, who knew the Syrians were not well-disposed towards his house, allowed the two factions to weaken themselves by internal dissensions. In the end he intervened, and with a firm hand put a stop to their disorders.
But Rashid's wars with the Byzantines are the most the interesting events of his reign. In 181 a.h. they broke treaty concluded with Irene in Mahdi's time, and invaded the Moslem territories. Their army was repulsed with great slaughter, the cities of Matarah and Ancyra were captured, Cyprus, which had thrown off the Saracenic yoke in the civil wars, was reconquered, and Crete was overrun. A fresh convention followed, and the Greeks again bound themselves to pay regularly the tribute fixed by the former treaty. An exchange of prisoners took place, and there was every appearance that the peace now concluded would last for some time.
In 182 A.H. the unprincipled and merciless Irene blinded young son, Constantine VI., and seized the throne under the title of Augusta. With the assistance of her favourite, the eunuch she held the reins of government for five years, when the fickle Greeks rose against her. She was deposed and exiled; and her chancellor named Nicephorus was invested with the purple. With characteristic want of fidelity, he determined "to break the peace that had been established between the Moslems and Irene," - and sent an insulting message to Rashid. "From Nicephorus, the Roman Emperor, to Harun, Sovereign of the Arabs: — Verily the Empress who preceded me gave thee the rank of a rook and put herself in that of a pawn, and conveyed to thee many loads of her wealth, and this through the weakness of women and their folly. Now when thou hast read this letter of mine, return what thou hast received of her substance, otherwise the sword shall decide between me and thee." "When Rashid read this letter," says the historian, "he was so inflamed with rage, that no one durst look upon his face, much less speak to him, and his courtiers dispersed from fear, and his ministers speechless forbore from counsel."
Then he wrote on the back of the Greek's letter: "From Harun, the Commander of the Faithful, to Nicephorus, the dog of a Roman : — Verily I have read thy letter; the answer thou shalt behold, not hear !" And he was as good as his word. He started the same day with his army, and did not tarry on the way until he reached Heraclea, one of the Byzantine strongholds. The boastful Greek met the Caliph at this place and sustained a heavy defeat. "The warlike celerity of the Arabs could only be checked by arts of deceit and a show of repentance." Nicephorus implored for peace, and engaged to pay an increased tribute, which he promised solemnly to transmit every year. This was accepted, and the victorious Caliph returned to Rakka. Hardly had Rashid taken up his quarters there than Nicephorus, deeming it impossible the Caliph would take the field again in that inclement season, violated his engagement. But he mistook his adversary. The moment Rashid heard of the breach of faith, he retraced his steps. "Nicephorus was" maintains Gibbon "astonished by the bold and rapid march of the Commander of the Faithful, who repassed, in the depth of winter, the snows of Mount Taurus: his stratagems of policy and war were exhausted; and the perfidious Greek escaped with three wounds from a field of battle overspread with forty thousand of his subjects."
Nicephorus again sued for peace, and his prayer was granted. Knowing the Byzantine nature, Rashid, before leaving Phrygia, made such dispositions as would prevent any fresh infraction of the treaty. But over and again when Harun was engaged elsewhere, Nicephorus broke his treaty, and as often was beaten. In 189 a.h. Rashid proceeded to Rai (ancient Rhages) to bring back to obedience a governor who had shown signs of refractoriness. This was too good an opportunity for the Greek to miss, and he accordingly attempted a fresh inroad, but was met by Kasim, Rashid's son, whom the Caliph had about this time invested with the command of the Marches, and "devoted him to holy warfare in the way of God." Again was the violation of the treaty forgiven by the Caliph.
Whilst at Rai, Rashid received the Magian feudatories of Deileni and Tabaristan. A liberal and considerate treatment ensured their loyalty and won their attachment. Rashid then returned to Bagdad on his way to Rakka, which had now become his permanent abode. From here he could keep an eye over the movements of the Greeks and the northern nomads, as well as the semi-loyal Syrian tribes, and here the overworked and harassed monarch came to enjoy a brief rest. But the faithless Greek would allow him no peace. An insurrection in Transoxiana gave Nicephorus the opportunity for which he waited. He burst into the dominions of the Caliph, and filled with devastation and havoc the frontier countries. Rashid could brook this perfidy no longer.
Leaving Mamun as regent at Rakka with absolute control over the government he started for the north. It was now, indeed, a holy war for the preservation of peace and the maintenance of a solemn treaty sealed with the oath of the Greek. One hundred and thirty- five thousand soldiers receiving stipends followed his standard, besides volunteers whose names were not on the military roll. They swept over the whole of Asia Minor as far as Bithynia on the north, and Mysia and Caria on the west. City after city opened its gates to Rashid's generals; Kunieh (Iconium) and Ephesus in Lydia were captured by Yezid bin Makhlad; Sakallya, Thebasa (Dabsa), Malecopoea, Sideropolis, Andrasus and Nicaea were reduced by Shurabil, son of Maan bin Zaida. The conquering army then invested Heraclea Pontica on the Black Sea. A force sent by Nicephorus suffered a disastrous defeat and Heraclea was taken by storm. The Greek sued again for pardon, and the Caliph with shortsighted indulgence acceded to his prayer. Far better would it have been for the peace of the world and for civilisation, had a term been then put on the Byzantine rule, and Constantinople been taken by the Saracens. A fresh treaty was sworn to by Nicephorus and the princes of his family, and the grandees of his empire, by which he agreed to pay an increased tribute besides a personal impost on himself and on each member of his house. But in 192 a.h. the Greeks again broke their faith, and raided into the Moslem territories. "The end of it all," says Muir, "the bitter end of all such wars, was to inflame religious hate."
The disorders which broke out just then in Khorasan called Rashid away to the east, and he was compelled to delay for a while the well-deserved punishment. Leaving Kasim at Rakka with an experienced general, Khuzaima bin Khazim, as his lieutenant, and Amin at Bagdad, the wearied monarch started for the east. Mamun accompanied his father, but on entering Persia after traversing the mountainous range, he was sent in advance to Merv with a division of the troops, whilst the Caliph journeyed slowly with the main army. On arriving at a village named Sanabad in the vicinity of Tus, the illness from which he had been suffering ever since he left Rakka, took a serious turn. Feeling that
his end was approaching, Rashid sent for all the members of his family (the Hashimides) who were in the army, and addressed them thus: "All who are young will get old, all who have come into the world will die. I give you three directions: observe faithfully your engagements, be faithful to your Imams (the Caliphs), and united amongst yourselves; and take care of Mohammed and Abdullah (Amin and Mamun); if one revolts against the other, suppress his rebellion and brand his disloyalty with infamy."
He then distributed considerable largesses among his attendants and troops. Two days later the end came; Rashid died in the prime of life on a Saturday the 4th of 193 a.h. Jamadi II., after a glorious reign of twenty-three years and six months.
Weigh him as carefully as you like in the scale of Estimate historical criticism, Harun ar-Rashid will always take of his rank with the greatest sovereigns and rulers of the world. It is a mistake to compare the present with the past, the humanities and culture of the nineteenth century and its accumulated legacy of civilisation, the gift of ages of growth and development, with the harshness and rigour of a thousand years ago. The defects in Rashid's character, his occasional outbursts of suspicion or temper were the natural outcome of despotism. That he should, with the unbounded power he possessed, be so self-restrained, so devoted to the advancement of public prosperity, so careful of the interests of his subjects, is a credit to his genius. He never allowed himself the smallest respite in the discharge of his duties: he repeatedly travelled over his empire from the east to the west to remedy evils, to redress wrongs, and to acquaint himself personally with the condition of his people. Nine times he himself led the caravan of pilgrims to the Holy Cities, and thus brought the nations under his sway to recognise and appreciate his personality, and to value the advantages of Islamic solidarity. His court was the most brilliant of the time; to it came the learned and wise from every part of the world, who were always entertained with munificent liberality. Unstinted patronage was extended to art and science, and every branch of mental study. He was the first to elevate music into a noble profession, establishing degrees and honours, as in science and literature.
It was in his reign that the Hanafi school of law began to acquire a systematic shape at the hands of the jurists, headed by Abu Yusuf, the Chief Kazi of the empire. Though called after Abu Hanifa, the Hanafi School is in reality the product of Rashid's Chief Kazi. Abu Yusuf combined with the pliability of Cranmer much of Bacon's greed. Owing either to the fact that it was in the vigour and freshness of its infancy, or to the absence of opposing forces, the religio-legal system of which Abii Yusuf was the founder, had not as yet acquired the rigidity of later times. The insistence of a church upon conformity varies in proportion to the forces with which it has to contend. At this stage, however, in spite of a growing tendency towards casuistry, the system possessed elasticity, and evinced undoubted signs of development. But the deference Rashid paid to his legists, and the weight he attached to their enunciations, paved the way for the formation of a hierarchy whose preponderating influence under weaker monarchs stifled growth and barred all avenues of progress. Thus commenced the superstructure of the great Sunni School, the foundations of which were laid under Mansur, although it was not completed until the later Abbassides, shorn of their temporal power, were compelled to devote themselves to the preservation of their religious influence. The upholders of the doctrine that the consensus of the people in the election of a chief possessed a sacramental efficacy, and constituted the person so elected the spiritual leader or Imam of the Commonwealth, assumed now a distinctive designation. They called themselves Ahl us-Sunnat wal Jamaat, or "the followers of traditions and (the voice) of the universality of the people."
Rashid enlarged the department founded by his grandfather Mansur for the translation of scientific work into Arabic, and increased the staff, although it did not under him acquire the stupendous scale it attained under Mamun. Among the eminent men who flourished during the whole or part of his reign, may be mentioned Asmai the grammarian, who was entrusted with the education of his sons, Shafei, Abdullah bin Idris, Isa bin Yunus, Sufian bin Suri, Ibrahim Mosuli the musician; Gabriel, son of Bakhtiashii the physician. Rashid, says Ibn Khaldun, followed in the footsteps of his grandfather except in parsimony, for no Caliph exceeded him in liberality and munificence. Himself a poet, he was specially liberal to poets. Communications were opened in his reign with the West as well as the Far East, and he was the first to receive at his Court embassies from the Faghfur (emperor) of China and from Charlemagne. An account is still preserved of the magnificent presents sent to the latter, which gives some indication of the state of culture attained in the Caliphate. Among the presents sent was a clock, which is described as a marvellous work of art.
Of his surviving sons four are famous in history: Mohammed al-Amin, Abdullah al-Mamun, Kasim al- Motamin and Abu Ishak Mohammed al-Mutasim.
When Rashid died Amin was at the capital; Mamun was at Merv, which was the seat of the provincial government; Kasim was at his post at Kinnisrin, whilst Zubaida, the Empress, was at Rakka. The news of the Caliph's death was despatched to Bagdad by Hamawieh, the postmaster-general (Sahib ul-Barid) and on the following day the imperial signet, sword and mantle were forwarded to Amin by his brother Saleh, who was with Rashid at the time of his decease, Amin removed at once from the Kasr ul-Khuld (the Paradise Palace), where he was residing, to the Kasr td-Khilafat (the Imperial Palace). Next day he presided at the public prayers, and delivered the pontifical sermon and received the usual oath of fealty from the troops, the grandees, and the citizens. Mamun also sent to his imperial brother his loyal congratulations and presents. Immediately on receipt of the news of Rashid's death, Zubaida left Rakka for Bagdad, and was received by her son at Anbar with great pomp and ceremony, and taken to the Imperial Palace, where she abided until Amin's unhappy death.
It will be interesting at this stage to note the difference in the character of the two brothers, who soon became rivals and enemies. Both had been carefully brought up under the tuition of the most talented scholars of the day; Amin in the charge of his mother and maternal uncle Isa; Mamun, whose mother, a Persian lady, had died when he was an infant, under the guardianship of the unfortunate Vizier Jaafar. Both had received the same education; they were sedulously instructed in the course of studies in vogue at the time — rhetoric, belles lettres, jurisprudence, and traditions; but whilst Mamun's receptive mind imbibed and assimilated knowledge that was imparted to him, it had no effect on the volatile and pleasure-loving character of Amin beyond giving him a superficial polish. In oratory, a necessary accomplishment for an Arab prince, both stood on an equal footing; but Mamun was a jurist and a philosopher as well. He knew the Koran by rote, and excelled in its interpretation.
Rashid knew the difference in the character of his two sons, and probably before his death foresaw the result of the arrangement he had so carefully made for them. He had willed that the army he had taken into Khorasan with the treasure that he carried should belong to Mamun. It was a necessary measure for the defense of the Eastern Provinces. And Amin was already in possession of the immense hoard left by his father at Bagdad. Amin, who probably never intended to abide by the covenant he had made with his father, had, in anticipation of Rashid's demise, sent emissaries to tamper with the army. Fazl bin Rabii, the chamberlain, who was with Rashid at the time of his death, and was practically the prime minister since Jaafar Barmeki's fall, took the side of Amin. He knew his weakness of character, and felt sure that with him he would be the virtual ruler. He persuaded the troops to abjure the oath Rashid had made them take in favour of Mamun, and to hurry back with him to the capital. Taking with him the army and the treasure, Fazl bin Rabii came to Amin, who invested him at once with the dignity of Vizier, and distributed two years pay in advance among the troops.
Deprived thus by the disloyalty of Fazl bin Rabii of both men and money, Mamun found himself in a difficult position, especially as the feudatories were beginning to show signs of agitation; but assisted by some able counsellors he applied himself vigorously to conciliate the chiefs and the people of his province. , His principal adviser in this crisis was a Persian named Fazl bin Sahl, a man of great ability, but extremely jealous of his influence over the young prince. The famous Harsama, and a rising soldier of the name of Tahir bin Hussain(al-Khuzai), were also attached to his cause. Mamun treated the notables with consideration and generosity, and reduced the taxes. These and other measures won the affections of the provincials, and they rallied round him as "the son of their sister." His attitude all this while towards his brother, the Caliph, was dutiful, loyal, and circumspect.
Whilst Mamun was thus engaged in organising the principality that had been left to him, Amin was fast driving to ruin the country subjected to his rule. To secure the uncertain and mercenary loyalty of his rapacious soldiery, who, like the daughters of the horse-leech, cried for more as more was given, he wasted the public wealth in magnificent largesses. Jugglers and buffoons, astrologers and soothsayers were sent for from all parts of the country; and enormous sums were lavished in securing the services of the most beautiful danseuses, the most accomplished songstresses, or those unhappy specimens of humanity with which the Byzantine dominions abounded, and who were employed by the patricians of new Rome, not only in guarding their women, but also in conducting the affairs of state. We read of a real ballet in this reign arranged under Amin's personal direction. A hundred beautiful girls, in splendid attire, decked with pearls and blazing with diamonds, danced in rhythmical unison to the soft harmony of music, advanced and retreated, waving palm-leaves; then breaking into groups often formed a labyrinthine maze, passing and repassing, turning and bending — a fairy circle of light and colour. For his fetes on the Tigris (Dajla) he caused to be constructed five barges lavishly gilt and decorated in the shape of a lion, elephant, eagle, serpent, and horse. Spending his time in carousals and immersed in pleasure, surrounded by daniseuses, singers, and the usual parasites borrowed from the effeminate Court of Byzantium.
Amin left the entire government in the hands of the ambitious but incompetent Fazl bin Rabii; and the enemies of Islam waxed strong. Nicephorus was killed in a war with the Bulgarians, and was succeeded by his son Istibrak (Stauracius). Upon his death after a short reign, the Byzantines raised to the throne Michael the son of George (Jurjis), who had married Istibrak's sister. Michael, however, was forced to resign the throne in favour of Leo, one of his generals, and to assume the cowl. No sooner did Leo ascend the throne than he broke the terms of peace with the Moslems, and commenced to make depredations upon them. But Amin had no ear for the wrongs of his subjects. Instead of employing his energy or resources for the defence of the empire, he involved himself in a war with his brother. Fazl bin Rabii, afraid that if Mamun ever came to the throne he would visit his treachery with condign punishment, instigated Amin to set his brother aside from the succession. At first the young Caliph did not lend a willing ear to the suggestion, but the persistence with which Fazl applied himself to the task, enforced by the counsel of another equally unprincipled courtier named Ali bin Isa bin Mahan, induced Amin to take the fatal step. Mamun was summoned to Bagdad; he excused himself, saying that he could not safely leave the province. Amin thereupon deposed him from his government, and directed that his name should henceforth cease to be mentioned in the prayers from the pulpits. Kasim was also deprived of the provinces that had been given to him by Rashid.
In supersession of Mamun, Amin nominated his infant son Musa his successor to the throne under the high-sounding title of Natik ul-Hakk and shortly after his second son as heir-presumptive under the name of Kaim- bi'l-Hakk. Mamun replied to this breach of faith by drawing a cordon on his western frontier. No person was allowed to enter the province without undergoing an examination in order that the emissaries from Bagdad might not tamper with his subjects. The breach between the brothers was now complete. Amin sent for the two covenants solemnly suspended in the Kaaba, and tore them to pieces. An army, fifty thousand strong, was despatched under Ali bin Isa bin Mahan, towards Rai. Here they were met, and disastrously defeated, by Tahir bin Hussain, who held guard for Mamun. Ali bin Isa was killed, and his men either dispersed or joined Tahir. The message of Tahir, announcing his victory, was almost laconic: "The head of Ali bin Isa," he wrote simply, "is before me; his ring on me; and his troops under me." The message was carried over a distance of 250 farsangs (750 miles) in three days.
Fazl bin Rabii now confiscated a sum of 100,000 dirhems presented to Mamun as a personal gift by his father and all his private property which had been left in charge of Naufal, the guardian of his two infant sons. This high-handed act called forth a number of lampoons against the weak Caliph and the rapacious vizier. Amin's parasites even suggested to him to hold Mamun's sons as hostages, and if he did not submit, to put them to death, but this advice he not only reprobated, but punished with imprisonment the persons who ventured to give him the shameful counsel.
Several other armies despatched from Bagdad met with the same fate as the first; and Tahir cleared the mountainous tract, seized Kazwin and reached Holwan, which he made his head-quarters. From here he was sent to Ahwaz, leaving Harsama in the north. Mamun now assumed the title oi Ameerul-Mominin, "Commander of the Faithful", and the whole of Persia accepted him as Caliph. Fazl bin Sahl was invested with supreme control throughout the principality, "from Tibet to Hamadan, from the Indian Ocean to the Caspian Sea." He combined the offices of minister of war (Ameer ul-Harb) with that of chancellor of the exchequer {Ameer ul-Khiraj). Ali bin Hisham was placed in charge of the war Office; whilst the department of revenue was presided over by Nuaim bin Khazim, assisted by Hassan bin Sahl as secretary.
Whilst these events were happening in the east, Syria was disturbed by a rising headed by a descendant of Muawiyah I., who invited the people to accept him as Caliph. A rival claimant appeared at the same time in the person of a grandson of the warrior Maslamah; but their supporters soon melted away, and the two pretenders disappeared as they had risen.
In the meantime, Mamun's general had reduced Ahwaz, Yemama, Bahrain, and Oman, and then making a detour towards the north, had captured Wasit. The rapidity of his movement, and the submission of the East Arabian sea-board, had its effect upon other places. Abbas, the son of Hadi, who was Amin's governor at Kufa, acknowledged Mamun's authority. He was followed by Mansur, the son of Mahdi, governor of Bussorah, and Daud, son of Isa, governor of the Holy Cities. They were all treated with marked consideration, and confirmed in their appointments. Tahir then turned towards the north; after capturing Madain, which was still a place of importance, he arrived in the suburbs of Bagdad, whilst Harsama moved down on the capital from the Siege of north. Another general, named Zuhair, the son of Musaib, arrived at the same time, and these three now laid siege to Bagdad. Tahir was stationed in a garden at the Anbar Gate, whilst Harsama was posted at Noor-bin one of the river exits.
The siege lasted for several months; Amin emptied the treasury for his soldiers and the commonalty who rallied round him; he ended by melting down gold and silver plate, and distributing it among his supporters. Great damage was done to Bagdad in the course of the siege; both sides pulled down palaces and mansions, that stood in the way of attack or defence; half the city was laid in ruin, and the sufferings of the people were heartrending. The notables and leaders began deserting Amin, but the rabble continued the struggle with great pertinacity. At last, Amin was driven to take refuge with his mother and family in the citadel built by Mansur on the western bank of the river. Here also his position soon became untenable, and he was advised by the few counsellors that still remained by his side to make a dash for Syria. But his own inclinations chimed in with the suggestion of a surrender on condition of benig taken to Mamun, for he knew and trusted his brother's fidelity. Negotiations were opened accordingly; but Tahir insisted that Amin should deliver himself into his hands, whilst the unlucky Caliph was equally obdurate in refusing to place himself in the power of the one-eyed man whom he distrusted, and whom he believed to be personally inimical to him. He offered to surrender himself to Harsama, his father's old and faithful general.
The matter at last was settled in this wise: Amin was to give himself up to Harsama, whilst the signet, the mantle, and the sword were to be delivered to Tahir. Both the generals were thus to share the glory of his submission. On the night of Sunday the 23rd of Moharram, 198 a.h, Amin issued after a pathetic parting with his children to go on board Harsama's boat. He was received by the general with every mark of reverence and respect, and the boatmen were ordered to row rapidly towards Harsama's camp. Some of the Persian soldiers, cruel and heartless, who were on the watch, commenced to throw huge stones at the boat; one of them hit the frail Tigris gondola, which filled with water and capsized. Harsama narrowly escaped drowning, being saved by one of his boatmen; Amin and the Town Magistrate, who was in their company, swam ashore. They were seized by the Persian soldiery, and taken to a neighbouring blockhouse, where they were confined. Amin was shivering with cold, but the Magistrate covered him with his mantle, and they both lay down for a little rest. In the dead of night, some of the Persians burst open the door, and rushed upon the ill-fated Amin. He tried to defend himself with a pillow, but the murderers cut him down. Next morning the assassins exhibited the head of the hapless victim on the walls of Bagdad.
When Mamun received the news of his brother's unhappy end, he was overwhelmed with grief. He had never dreamt that the consequences of their differences would have this disastrous result. He took immediate steps to punish the murderers, and in order to make up in some degree for the loss of their father, adopted the sons of Amin as his own; they were confided to Zubaida's care, and when they grew up were married to his daughters. One of them died young. He also confirmed Amin's family and servants in the enjoyment of the property they possessed. Thus died Amin in the twenty-eighth year of his age, after a troublous reign of four years and eight months.
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